| Return of Philipps—All 
		the Acadians of the peninsula take the oath—Nature of this oath—It was 
		entitled “Oath of fealty," (“Serment de Fidelite”), and the Acadians 
		were called “French Neutrals”—What the Compiler thinks of this—Parkman. Whoever confronts 
		Armstrong's reports on the question of the oath with his letters to the 
		Lords of Trade after his operations, at Annapolis, the other letter that 
		followed the failure of Captain Bennett, his instructions to Wroth and 
		the latter’s report, can easily account for the indignation the Lords of 
		Trade must have felt in presence of this series of administrative 
		tomfooleries and tricks, worthy, at best, of a horse-jockey or a street 
		mountebank. The exploits of Wroth had filled up the measure; all this 
		nonsense must now be stopped; the Government’s dignity gravely 
		compromised l>y Armstrong must be restored; a final and fairly 
		reasonable settlement must be made of this eternal Acadian question. The Lords of Trade had 
		recourse to Philipps, who always retained the title of Governor of Nova 
		Scotia. It was not without regret that he quitted London where he led so 
		pleasant a life of leisure on his large salary. He himself, in his first 
		attempt, it is true, had not been more fortunate than Armstrong ; but he 
		was able at least to command attention by his high position, his courtly 
		manners, his urbanity; and, at all events, the dignity of the crown 
		would be safe in his hands. Moreover,, knowing by his own experience the 
		inflexible determination of the Acadians with regard to military 
		exemption, he brought with him or was expected to have brought a 
		solution to the difficulty, a middle term, which, he trusted, would give 
		them satisfaction. We know not the tenor of his instructions, but his 
		subsequent acts permit us to form a very correct estimate thereof. Hardly had Philipps 
		landed at Annapolis when he set to work, and three weeks later, he wrote 
		to the Lords of Trade that he had administered the oath to all the 
		inhabitants of Annapolis, and that at the opening of navigation he would 
		do tbe same for the inhabitants of Mines, Cobequid and Beaubassin. who, 
		it was said, were all disposed to take it resolutely, “as they are 
		pleased to express that the good likeing they have to my Government, in 
		comparison of what they experienced afterwards, did not a little 
		contribute, and therefore, reserved irh.% honor for me; indeed, I have 
		had no occasion to make use of threats and compulsion." Philipps had arrived in 
		December, 1729. On September 2nd following, he informed the Lords of 
		Trade that he had completed the tendering of the oath to all the 
		Acadians of the province. “A work,” says he, “which became daily more 
		necessary in regard to the great increase of those people, who are this 
		day a formidable body and. like Noah's progeny, spreading themselves 
		over the face of the Province. You are not unacquainted that for twenty 
		years past they have continued stubborn and refractory upon all summons 
		of this kind, but having essayed the difference of Government in my 
		absence, they signified their readiness to comply .... Thus far the 
		peace of the country is settled.” How had Philipps been 
		able to obtain, and apparently with so much case, what he himself and 
		others had hitherto failed to obtain? Was this, as he boasted, due to 
		the superiority of his methods, to the mildness of his government? What 
		had really happened? What was the nature of the oath obtained? Was there 
		a clause exempting the Acadians from bearing arms against the French and 
		their allies? And if so, was it written or verbal? The answer is easy. 
		Philipps, it is true, did not explain that to the Lords of Trade, he 
		merely says that he took care not to imitate Wroth’s shameful surrender. 
		Any further statement was unnecessary, since he had but just come from 
		England, his instructions were quite fresh, and the question must have 
		been discussed in all its different aspects before his departure. 
		Philipps well knew by his own sad experience that he could not hope for 
		an unrestricted oath; he must therefore have come with a solution all 
		prepared, and this solution was—to agree by word of mouth with the 
		Acadians that they should be exempt from bearing arms. A written promise 
		annexed to the oath was the difficulty that the authorities co aid not 
		surmount; it was, thought the}', a shameful capitulation, a derogation 
		from the dignity of the crown. It was not so for an oral promise, and 
		that was, I have no doubt, the concession which Philipps was instructed 
		to grant; for, in England at least, it was very well understood that the 
		Acadians could not be obliged to take up arms against their 
		fellow-countrymen. For the Acadians, the objection to an oral promise 
		was the lack of security; but this obstacle was not insurmountable. With 
		a man of Philipps’s high position, newly arrived from England, who 
		vouched for the word of his sovereign, the guarantee seemed sufficient, 
		and diffidence ceased. Such was, I firmly believe, the compromise 
		proposed, discussed and accepted; it readily explains the prompt success 
		of the negotiations. When Haliburton wrote 
		his history of Nova Scotia, he had not access to the documents we now 
		possess. He does not even seem to have seriously tried to penetrate the 
		problem; but, with his knowledge of this people, his great talent of 
		observation, developed by his experience as a lawyer and a judge, he 
		immediately perceived that the Acadians could not have accepted an 
		unrestricted oath; but he supposes treachery; he recalls Armstrong’s 
		impostures, and supposes that some artifice of the kind had been 
		practised. He cannot have convinced these men, he must have deceived 
		them, says he. He was right in the sense that the Acadians did not 
		indeed take an unrestricted oath. But I do not think they were deceived. 
		The promise was only verbal, but was accepted as a solemn promise. 
		Haliburton, judging according to previous events, cannot believe the 
		Acadians accepted simple oral promises. His mistake arises from his not 
		adverting to the wide distinction they drew between a man of Armstrong's 
		character, so violent, so crafty, so fickle, so little respected by the 
		people about him, a man whose position was after all only secondary, and 
		Philipps with his imposing dignity, his high position and the 
		authorization which he had brought with him from England. Contrary, then, to 
		several historians, who have su]> posed a written restrictive clause 
		annexed to the body of the oath and afterwards suppressed as was the 
		oath itself, which is not in the archives of Halifax, I assert that, in 
		all likelihood, the Acadians were not deceived by Philipps, that the 
		restrictive clause about not bearing arms was only verbal, and was 
		accepted as such. I would not undertake 
		to establish the proof of this restriction, had not the Compiler 
		objected to it, and Parkman accepted his objection. According to them 
		the oath of fidelity was taken by all the Acadians voluntarily and 
		without any written or verbal condition. In support of my 
		contention, I shall first cite Governor Lawrence, the very man who 
		deported the Acadians. In his circular to the governors of New England, 
		which accompanied the transports laden with exiled Acadians, I find the 
		following: “The Acadians ever refused to take the oath of Allegiance, 
		without having at the same time from the Governor an assurance in 
		writing that they should not he called upon to hear arms in the defence 
		of the Province, and with this General Philipps did comply, of which His 
		Majesty disapproved.” This would seem to 
		prove clearly that there was a written promise: but Lawrence, I have 
		every reason to believe, was mistaken in that detail. The point on which 
		he wished to throw light was the restriction in the oath, and that alone 
		is well founded ; the details, which were only incidental to the 
		principal fact, are false : and it is equally false that His Majesty 
		disapproved this restriction, for not the slightest trace of such 
		disapprobation appears in the public documents. All we see there is a 
		small discussion between the Lords of Trade and Philipps on the 
		construction of a sentence in the oath, a mere matter of grammar. 
		Lawrence, who was not very particular, has construed this simple 
		question of syntax into a formal disapprobation of the oath. In another letter of 
		Lawrence to Sir Thomas Rob*n-son, of November 30, 1755, we lind the 
		following, relative to the Acadians of Iieaubassin: “They were the 
		descendants of those French who had taken the oath of allegiance to His 
		Majesty in the time of General Philipps' Government, with the reserve of 
		not taking arms.” Another letter from 
		Lawrence, in the Archives of Nova Scotia, page 259, contains this 
		passage: “As the Acadians of 
		this Province have never yet at any time taken the oath of allegiance 
		unqualified.” Governor Cornwallis, in 
		his letter, dated September 11, 1749, to the duke of Bedford, writes: “I cannot help saying 
		that General Philipps deserved the highest punishment for what he did 
		here, his allowing a reserve to the oath of allegiance." The same Governor, 
		addressing the Acadian deputies, said: “You have always 
		refused to take this oath without an expressed reservation." Governor Hopson, 
		writing to the Lords of Trade, December 10, 1752, said “Lord Cornwallis can 
		likewise acquaint you that the inhabitants of Beaubassin who had taken 
		the oath with General Philipps’s condition. ...” Governor Mascarene, in 
		a letter to Shirley in April 1748, said with reference to the oath 
		obtained by Philipps:  “The Acadians intending 
		to have a clause not to be obliged to take up arms against the. French, 
		though not inserted, they have always stood was promised to them; and I 
		have heard it owned by those who were ot Mines when the oath was 
		administered at that place, that such a promise was given. Their plea 
		with the French, who pressed them to take, up arms, was their oath." In 1744, when war was 
		raging between France and England, an attempt was made to oblige the 
		Acadians to serve as pilots and guides; but the Acadians, believing that 
		their oath exempted them from a service that appeared contrary to their 
		neutrality, addressed a petition to the governor to ask him his opinion 
		on this point. Governor Mascarene replied: “If in taking this oath 
		of allegiance, the Government was kind enough to say to you, that ft 
		would not compel yon to take up arms, it was out of pure deference. That 
		they were not thereby exempted from serving as pilots and guides. . . . 
		Whereupon, they withdrew their petition. There are other proofs 
		of the same kind in twenty different places :n the volume of the 
		Archives, and particularly on pages 204, 233, 234. It was not without some 
		apprehension that the Acadians consented to waive their claim to a 
		written proof; so, in order to provide for emergencies, they, 
		immediately after the taking of the oath, drew up a certificate, which 
		was signed and attested, and addressed to the minister of foreign 
		affairs in Paris, to be, in case of necessity, appealed to by the French 
		Government. “We, Charles de la 
		Goudalie, priest, missionary of the parish of Mines, (Grand Pre and 
		River aux Canards') and Noel Alexandre Noirville, priest bacholor of the 
		faculty of theologians of la Sarbunne, missionary and parish priest of 
		the Assumption and of the Holy Family of Pigiguit, certify to whom this 
		may concern, that His Excellency Richard Philipps, etc., etc., has 
		promised to the inhabitants of Mines and other rivers dependent thereon, 
		that he exempts them from bearing arms and fighting in war against the 
		French and the Indians, and that the said inhabitants have only accepted 
		allegiance and promised never to take up arms in the event of a war 
		against the Kingdom of England and its government. “The present 
		certificate made, given and signed by us here named, this April 25, 
		1730, to be put into the hands of the inhabitants, to be-available and 
		useful to them wherever there shall be need or reason for it. "Signed: de la Goudalie, 
		parish priest; Xoel Noirville, priest and missionary. “Collated by Alexander 
		Hourg Belle-1 fumeur, this 25th April, 1730.” It would be difficult 
		not to admit the force of the proof I have just given. I might add the 
		very significant fact that, since 1730, the Acadians were universally 
		known by the name of “French Neutrals.” Thus are they very often 
		designated by the official documents emanating from the governors of the 
		province and from the Lords of Trade. To pretend, as the Compiler does, 
		that their oath contained no restriction, would be to destroy all the 
		significance of this appellation, and to suppose an absurdity. In spite of all this 
		evidence the Compiler says: “Governor Philipps, on his return to 
		Annapolis in 1730, brought the people, at last, to take an unconditional 
		oath, willingly''’ The reader will be curious to know what grounds the 
		Compiler had to establish a pretension that was never alleged at this 
		epoch, and which is expressly and repeatedly contradicted by all the 
		governors of the Province, who succeeded Philipps, namely: by Mascarene, 
		Cornwallis, Hopson, and Lawrence. The reply is very simple: his 
		pretension is utterly groundless. In the entire volume, which he himself 
		compiled, there is not one sentence, not one word that supports his 
		pretension or implies it, whether directly or indirectly. This may 
		appear strange, but it is not so for me who am accustomed to the 
		artifices of the Compiler. It would he difficult to express in fit 
		language the conduct of a man who dares to uphold such views not only 
		without any proof, but against a mass of documents that destroy them. “In April, 1730,” says 
		the Compiler, “Governor Philipps announced to the council the 
		unqualified submission of the inhabitants.” No such thing occurred. 
		Neither to his council, nor to the Lords of Trade did Philipps ever use 
		the expression unqualifiednor any other equivalent one; at least there 
		is not a trace thereof in the Compiler’s volume, and there can be no 
		doubt that any document that contained such an expression would not have 
		been omitted, as he omits such documents only as are unsuited to his 
		purpose. Until now I have had to 
		attack only his bad faith, and that was bad enough; but it is, if such a 
		thing be possible, outdone by his presumption. Listen to him; "The term “Neutral 
		French” having been so frequently applied to the Acadians in public 
		documents, their constant denial of an unqualified oath ever having been 
		taken by them, the reiterated assertions of their priests. . . led the 
		governors at Halifax, in 1749, and at subsequent periods, erroneously to 
		suppose that no unconditional oath of allegiance had ever been taken by 
		the people of Acadia to the British Crown.” This is really 
		ridiculous. A man must fancy himself endowed with intuitive cognition 
		and born with infused science, before he thus ventures to substitute his 
		own groundless view for the wisely formed opinions of all his 
		predecessors, and to set himself against them all. He is ludicrously in 
		earnest when he proclaims to the world that the term “French Neutral” 
		never had any foundation in fact. The contemporaries of these events, 
		the governors and Lords of Trade, when they made use of it in public 
		documents, knew not what they were saying. Mascarene, who had been 
		present at the taking of Port Royal in 1710, who in 1730 was counsellor 
		to Philipps, and in 1740 governor himself, knew nothing. The officers of 
		the garrison who had been, some of them, witnesses of this tendering of 
		the oath, and who had reported it to Mascarene, Cornwallis, Hopson and 
		Lawrence, knew nothing. All these governors had a thousand ways of 
		ascertaining the true state of the case ; yet, they knew nothing. The 
		facts that they so positively affirm were contrary to their interests 
		and desires, and, nevertheless, they let themselves be imposed upon by 
		the affirmations of the Acadians. What a fraud history is, if this be 
		the case ! But, considering that this attempt to overthrow one of the 
		best established historical facts is supported only by the ipse dixit of 
		a man living in a different century, even though he be a compiler of 
		archives, I prefer to say: What monumental audacity! Their constant 
		denial........led the governors to believe ”......, as if there had then 
		been a great controversy on this subject between the Acadians and the 
		governors; whereas, I repeat, there is not one sentence, not one word in 
		the whole volume of the archives, compiled by himself, that shows it was 
		so. It is a pure fabrication. And, if in reality this question had been 
		the object of a controversy, it -would be necessary to believe that the 
		Acadians were able to satisfy these governors that their pretensions 
		were well founded, and then it would be rash for a funde siecle compiler 
		of the nineteenth century to dispute the validity of facts a century and 
		a half old. already pondered, matured and accepted by contemporaries 
		whose interest it was not to admit them. “ Their constant denial of an 
		unqualified oath, and the reiterated assertions of their priests ... led 
		the governors erroneously to believe ”____ According to this ineffable 
		compiler, the testimony, the constant affirmations of the Acadians and 
		their priests, all count for nothing, are not worth the least verbal 
		report of the vilest soldier of the garrison; that is no doubt the 
		reason why he has systematically omitted the few documents coming from 
		the Acadians. In this spirit has all this volume been compiled. Haliburton, it is easy 
		to see, cannot have known the opinion on this subject of the four 
		governors I have just named; however, his powers of observation and his 
		legal instinct, aided by his impartiality, had guided him securely in 
		this search for truth. He had not been able to believe in an oath 
		without restriction ; the subsequent discoveries showed he was right. 
		Thus is true history written; one must possess these qualities to write 
		it; otherwise it is only a lie. Parkman, on this point, 
		as on many others, has endorsed the opinion of the Compiler. It is so 
		convenient to opinions ready-made. Put, there is this difference between 
		them: while the Compiler had absolutely no ground for his opinion. 
		Parkman had at least the excuse of resting on the Compiler’s authority. 
		Slender as this is, let him have the benefit of it.* Since the foregoing was 
		written. Mr. Parkmeii in his new work, “A Halt Century of Conflict” has 
		rectified in these terms what he had formerly said: . “Recently .however, 
		evidence has appeared that, so far at least as regards the Acadians on 
		and near the Mines Basin, the effect of the oath was qua'i fled by a 
		promise on the part of Philipps that they should not be required to take 
		up arms either against French or Indians.” Mr. Parkiman had 
		accepted the opinion 'if the Compiler without verifying it. I must do 
		him the justice of admitting that he likes to found his statements on 
		something ; but he is wrong in saying: “recently evidence han appeared,” 
		'or with the exception o& the -avidavit ol Messrs. de la Goudalie, 
		Noirvilk Bi'urg. the entire proof I have produced is drawn from the 
		volume of the Archives itself, v, hich he quotes frequently in his 
		former work, “Wolfe and Montcalm;” however, some labor is needed to 
		combine the factors of this proof. Besides,his correction is incomplete, 
		as he applies to the Acadians of Mines what should apply to all. |