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VILLEBON,
the governor of Acadia, died at Fort St. John in the summer of 1700,
leaving Villieu in command. M. de Fontenue, an engineer officer, was
sent out from France to report as to the condition of the
fortifications in Acadia and, acting on his advice, it was decided
to abandon all the forts on the St. John River. The reasons he put
forward in justification of this extraordinary decision were that
the frequent inundations prevented permanent settlements being made;
that the mouth of the St. John River was difficult to enter in
consequence of the winds and tides; and that the harbour was so
small that three ships could not anchor in it without inconvenience.
It is not surprising that things did not go well in Acadia, when the
King had such servants as Fontenue and listened to their advice. The
best portion of Acadia, for trade and for agriculture, was
practically abandoned on the word of a man whose report was a tissue
of falsehoods. Tens of thousands of prosperous settlers
bow reside on the banks of the St. John
untroubled by its inundations, and the harbour, which he maligned,
has many a time accommodated more than an hundred ships and is now
the Winter Port of the great Dominion.
Brouillon, who had been governor of Placenta,
was appointed to succeed Villebon as governor of Acadia. He arrived
at St. John in the latter part of June, 1701, where he said he found
the fort "in good condition, but of little use for the glory of the.
King on the preservation of the country." He describes the fort as
"extremely small, and commanded, on one side, by an island, at the
distance of a pistol shot, and on
the other, by a height which commanded it entirely, at a distance of
only one hundred odd fathoms." He also said there was no drinking
water in the fort. All these reasons, he said, had induced him to
abandon it. He caused all the fortifications to be razed, demolished
the houses, and removed all the guns and ammunition. These, with the
officers and men of the garrison, were embarked on the ship Gironde
and carried to Port Royal, where a new fort was in course of
construction. Port Royal continued to be the residence of the
governor of Acadia during the few remaining years that the French
held possession of that country.
The peace made, in 1607, between France and
England, proved to be nothing more than a truce. In May, 1702, war
was declared by Queen Anne and her German and Dutch allies against
France and Spain. This war added Blenheim, Ramillies, Audenarde and
Malplaipiet to the long roll of British victories, and it also
resulted in the loss of Acadia to France. In the spring of 1701 the
people of Massachusetts sent an expedition against Acadia under the
command of Col. Benjamin Church. It consisted of three men-of-war,
fourteen transports and thirty-six whaleboats, having 550 men on
board. Church received orders from Governor Dudley, to burn and
destroy the enemy's houses, break the dams of their cereal grounds,
make what spoils he could, and bring away prisoners. This kind of
war suited Church much better than attacking fortifications. At
Penobscot he killed and captured several French and Indians, among
the captives being a daughter of St. Castin, and her children. At
Passamaquoddy he took some French settlers prisoners and killed
others who had made no resistance. He did not venture to attack Port
Royal, but he plundered the settlement at Mines, and cut the dykes
and destroyed and wasted Chignecto, burning twenty houses, and
killing one hundred and twenty head of horned cattle. That was the
second time that Church had ravaged Chignecto, and it is a
remarkable proof of the vitality of that settlement, that its
population increased from 127 in 1086 to 271 in 1707,
notwithstanding the fact that it was twice laid waste by Church In
that brief period.
The withdrawal of the garrison, from the forts
on the St. John River, left the settlements on that river without
any protection. The principal settlements at that time were Freneuse
and Jemseg, but there is no census of Acadia that gives the
population of the St. John between the time it was abandoned by the
garrisons and the capture of Port Royal. In 1605 there were ten
families on the river numbering 40 persons. Of these, 11 resided at
Jemseg and 24 at Freneuse. At Jemseg there were 05 acres of land
under cultivation, including 30 in pasture, while the cultivated
acreage at Freneuse was 84 including 40 in pasture. The live stock
at Jemseg consisted of 22 head of horned cattle, 50 swine and 150
poultry. At Freneuse there were ten head of horned cattle, 47 swine
and 122 poultry. The crop at Jemseg was 80 bushels of wheat, 30 of
corn, 18 of oats and 100 of peas. At Freneuse the crop was 50
hushels of wheat, 180 of corn, 12 of oats and 48 of peas. The census
of 1698 gives the population of Jemseg as only five, while that of
Freneuse had risen to 36, There are no statistics of the live stock
or of the crops produced in that year. But we know that in 1696
Mathieu d'Amours leased his seigniory of Freneuse to Michael
Cliartier and soon afterwards died. Louis D'Amours devoted himself
mainly to trade and he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by
the English in 1703 and was confined in Boston for two years, soon
after which he died. Under these circumstances the seigniories of
Freneuse and Jemseg were likely to be neglected, even before the
French were forced to give up Port Royal. After that event and the
transfer of all Acadia to England, the French inhabitants of the St.
John River were at the mercy of the English, and, if they were free
from disturbance, it was largely because they were remote from the
seat of English authority at Annapolis, and France and England were
at peace. This peace lasted for thirty years, and in that time, the
French settlements in Acadia grew populous and wealthy. This was
especially the case with those at Mines and Chignecto where there
was abundance of marsh land.
Port Royal was captured by the English in 1710
and the French flag hauled down, never more to be raised in that
ancient fortress. It was renamed Annapolis and received an English
garrison, but no English colony was established, and Nova Scotia, as
it was named, was as ranch a French colony thirty years after the
Treaty of Utrecht, as it had been before the capture of Port Royal.
There were no English in Nova Scotia, with the exception of the
garrison and the officials. The Indians occasionally gave trouble,
instigated, it is said, by the French authorities at Quebec, but
their raids were directed against the English of New England and did
not affect Nova Scotia at that time. There were, however, elements
of future trouble in the refusal of the Acadians to take the oath of
allegiance to the English monarch, and in the claim which was first
put forward by Yaudrenil, the Governor of Canada, in 1718, that
Acadia, which had been ceided to the English by the Treaty of
Utrecht, only comprised the peninsula and did not include the
territory now embraced in New Brunswick. This claim was utterly
absurd and untenable, for only twenty years before, Governor
Villebon had been writing to the governor of Massachnsets that the
western boundary of Acadia was the Kennebec River. Yet the claim was
allowed to go unchallenged, and in time it was so far recognized
that in 1750 a commission was appointed to decide as to the limits
of Acadia. No decision was ever reached, because a renewal of the
war resulted in the actual transfer of the continental portion of
Acadia, as well as of Canada, to the English.
From the capture of Port Royal in 1710 to the
breaking out of the war between France and England in 1744 we have
but few and uncertain glimpses of the state of the settlements on
the St. John River. The English at Annapolis appear to have paid
very little attention to them until 1732, when Lieutenant Governor
Armstrong wrote to the Lords of Trade that there was a lawless and
unauthorized French Colony established on the St. John River, and
asking what steps he should take with regard to them. In reply he
was told to order these people to retire from the province as they
were not entitled to the benefits of the Treaty of Utrecht.
Armstrong wrote that he could not remove these people without force,
and that the use of force would arouse the jealousy of the Indians.
Nothing more was done at that time in regard to these settlers. It
appears, from a return made in 1733 to the Governor of Canada, that
the white inhabitants of the St. John River numbered 111. Of these,
15 families numbering 82 persons, lived in and near the site of the
City of Fredericton. Two families, numbering 11 persons, lived at
Freneuse, and three families, numbering 18 persons, at the mouth of
the river. In 1730 Joseph Bellefontaine and Michael Bergeron, two
inhabitants of St. John, visited Annapolis and furnished Armstrong
with a list of the inhabitants. This list comprises 15 families,
numbering 77 persons. It Is to be presumed that this list only
relates to the inhabitants residing at the mouth of the river. These
people were required to take the oath of allegiance to the English
King.
The Chignecto settlement, relieved of the
seigneurial claims of La Vailiere, continued to grow rapidly. The
original settlement founded in 1672, appears to have been at the
Misseguasli River, but, as its numbers increased, it extended over a
large part of the vast marsh country where thousands of prosperous
farmers now reside. There were settlements on both sides of the
Misseguasli, on the Tantramar and Memramcook, and also on the
Petitcodiac and at Sheiody. A French census taken in 1731, gives the
number of inhabitants of Chignecto as 150 families, numbering 1,200
persons. These people were wealthy in grain and cattle, for they had
not been molested since Church's raid in 1704. They lived on British
territory, yet they did not consider themselves as British subjects,
but as owing allegiance to the King of France. Not that they were by
any means very anxious to obey the orders of the French King. The
settlers, both of Mines and Chignecto, living remote from the centre
of authority, had acquired habits of independence which would never
have been tolerated in France. Brouillon, the governor of Acadia,
when he visited Mines in 1701 describes the inhabitants as "living
like true Republicans, not acknowdedging royal or judicial
authority." It was not until Bonaventure, his second in command, had
paid them another visit, that he could induce them to obey some
judgments of Des Goutins, the judge, which they had previously
disregarded. They were greatly afraid that the province would be
placed under the control of a company, and declared, that rather
than submit to such control, they would prefer to be under English
rule. The spirit of the people of Chignecto was the same. They were
not anxious to obey the orders of any King, French or English.
They only desired to be allowed to do as they
pleased and to make money in their own way. Chignecto had become an
Important centre of trade, for it had communication both with the
Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Bay of Fundy, and French goods, landed
at Baie Verte, could be sold to the Indians, who lived on the shores
of the Bay of Fundy, without the English authorities at Annapolis
being able to do anything to stop this illicit trade.
The restrictions which were placed on trade by
the French government, by placing the entire commerce of Acadia in
the hands of companies, of monopolists, had their natural
consequence in producing an abundant crop of smugglers. During the
French period, every person in Acadia, from the governor down, was
engaged in contraband trade or was accused of it. Trade with the.
English was forbidden, but it was carried on in spite of laws to the
contrary. Every French governor of Acadia, from Grand Fontaine to
Subercase, was accused of trading with the English, or encouraging
others to do so. In
the case of Iva Vailiere and Perrot, it was notorious that their
sole business was to disobey the laws wdiich they were sworn to
enforce. Smugglers were numerous on
the coasts of Acadia, and from smuggling to piracy was but a step,
and many of those who were engaged in contraband trade were prepared
to become pirates, and, during the latter part of the seventeenth
century and the first decade of the eighteenth century, pirates were
frequently cruising in Acadian waters, robbing the settlers and
plundering peaceful trading vessels. So bold were they that, in
1090, they actually seized one of the King's transports at Port
Royal, which had brought out from France reinforcements and supplies
for the garrison.
The first result of the breaking out of the war,
was the capture of Canso, by a force from Louisburg under the
command of Du Vivier, a great grandson of Charles La Tour. Du Vivier
proposed to capture Annapolis but, while he was making preparations
at Louisburg, young Belleisle, another grandson of La Tour, gathered
300 Micinac and Malicite Indians and appeared before Annapolis. This
attack failed, as did a second one later in the year, which was made
by 200 soldiers and 450 Indians, under Du Vivier. These attacks
directed the attention of the English authorities to the very weak
condition of their defences in Nova Scotia, for, if the attacks on
Annapolis had been better managed, that place must have fallen. The
people of New England made a stern resolve to destroy Louisburg, the
great stronghold of France on the Atlantic, and, in the spring of
1745, they arranged an expedition which captured it, one of the most
wonderful achievements in the history of war. The French, stung to
madness by this disaster, determined to repair it at all hazards
and, in 1746, sent Admiral D'Anville across the Atlantic with a
powerful fleet and land force, which was expected to recover
Louisburg, capture Annapolis, and destroy Boston. The fleet was to
be aided by a force of 600 Canadians under Ramezay, and a large body
of Micmacs and Malicites under Marcir and St. Pierre. This promising
plan utterly failed. The fleet accomplished nothing, for it was
shattered by tempests and the crews perished from disease, Ramezay
appeared before Annapolis in. September with 700 Canadians and
Indians, but he accomplished nothing and retired to Chignecto. He
was resting there in January, 1717, when he heard of the arrival of
an English force of 500 men under Col. Noble at Mines. Ramezay
formed the bold resolution of attacking them and, after a hard
winter march of eighteen days, surprised Noble and his men and
killed or captured the whole of them. This was one of the most
brilliant achievements of the war and greatly injured British
prestige among the Acadians. But it was much more than off-set by
the destruction of the French fleet, bound from Rochelle to Quebec,
by Admirals Anson and Warren.The operations, from this time until
the end of the war, were not important. Ramezay's detachment was
withdrawn from Chignecto in the summer of 1747 and the war was
brought to a close by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chappelle, which was
signed in the autumn of 1748. Under the terms of the treaty
Louisburg was restored to France, a fatal measure, which did much to
alienate the sympathies of the New England colonies from the mother
country.
The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle did not prove to be
an enduring one and, even while it lasted, France and England
retained a hostile attitude to each other in America. There were
disputed questions of boundary to be adjusted, for the French were
now disposed to limit Acadia to the southern half of the peninsula,
which would have left Mines, as well as Chignecto, a French
territory. Gorham, who commanded a company of Rangers was sent to
St. John in 1748 to compel the inhabitants to submit themselves to
the authorities at Annapolis. The same steps were taken with regard
to Beaubassin and Baie Verte. These measures produced a remonstrance
from M. de la Oalissoniere, the governor of Canada, who claimed
Chignecto and St. John as French territory. It was evident enough
that these questions could only be decided by another appeal to
arms. In the mean time the preservation of Nova Scotia to England
had become a feature of the settled policy of the government, and,
in conformity with this idea, Halifax was founded in 1749, by
Cornwallis, and the seat of government removed from Annapolis to the
shores of Chebucto Bay. The step was taken none too soon, for France
was about to fortify herself on the Isthmus of Chignecto and on the
St. John River, with a view-to holding the continental portion of
Acadia. To effect this object Boishebert, a Canadian officer, was
sent to St. John with a small detachment, and La Corne, who is
described by Jonquiere as "a brave and capable officer," ordered to
Chignecto. Two vessels with supplies and ammunition, were also sent
from Quebec to the Bay of Fundy. The new governor of Nova Scotia,
Cornwallis, speedily heard of these proceedings and, in July, 1719,
sent Captain Rous, in the warship Albany, to St. John to order the
French away. When Rous arrived in St. John harbour he found the
place deserted and the old fort unoccupied. After a time a French
schooner arrived which Rous seized, but promised to restore if the
master would go up river and bring the French down. Next day
Boishebert made his. appearance with 30 Frenchmen and 150 Indians,
and with the French flag flying, came to the shore directly opposite
to the Albany, within musket shot. Capt. Rous sent Mr. How, who was
well acquainted with the Indians, to order the French flag to be
struck. After some demur this was done and Boishebert went on board
the Albany. He produced letters from la Galissoniere, one of which
ordered him to begin a settlement at St. John, while the second
countermanded the order with respect to a settlement, but required
him to prevent the French from settling at St. John, while How
persuaded the Indians to send deputies to Halifax, to renew the
Treaty of Peace. This was done, and a new treaty was made in August,
which included not only the Indians of St. John and Passamaquoddy,
but also those of Chignecto. At this time Cornwallis received a
letter from Boishebert disavowing any intention of fortifying or
building at St. John, but stating that his orders were not to allow
any one to build there, until the right of possession would be
settled. Commissioners were at that time appointed to settle the
boundaries of Nova Scotia or Acadia and other territorial questions
which had arisen between the two crowns. This commission never made
any report, for the questions it had to decide were settled by
another war.
The Indian Treaty had no other effect but to
deceive the English and lull them into a false security. The Indians
could not be detached from the French, because their missionaries
were as full of zeal for the cause of France as the French officers
themselves. The St. John Indians took all the presents the English
gave them, and when the time came for them to show their colors they
were found on the side of the French. The Chignecto Indians broke
the treaty almost before the ink upon it was dry, while the other
Micmacs of the Peniusula continued actively hostile. The new
settlement at Halifax was surrounded by treacherous savages who were
ready to murder and scalp any settler who ventured beyond the range
of the guns of the fort. The principal French agent in stirring up
the Indians at that time against the English, was La Loutre, who had
been sent to Acadia as a missionary among the Indians several years
previously. Although, at first, he professed great friendship for
the English, lie was concerned in every plot to injure them from the
time of his first arrival in Acadia until he was deported from it, a
prisoner. His functions as a missionary were entirely overshadowed
by his position as a political agent of France, under the orders of
the governor of Canada.
It was the policy of La Loutre to induce the
Acadians to abandon those portions of Acadia which were admitted to
he English and settle them north of the Misseguah. La Corne had been
at Shediac during the winter of 1741), and in the spring he removed
to Chignecto where he proposed to erect a fort. The news of this
design reached Halifax, and Major Lawrence was sent in April with
400 men to put a stop to La Corne's operations. As soon as
Lawrence's vessels appeared the Acadians who lived at Beaubassiu, a
populous village on the south side of the Misseguash, abandoned
their dwellings and crossed that river. This was done by La Loutre's
orders, and, as soon as the houses were vacated, the Indians, by La
Loutre's orders, set fire to them. One hundred and fifty families
were embraced in this forced emigration, which desolated a
settlement which had lasted for three-quarters of a century.
Lawrence found the French too strong for him, and was forced to
re-embark the same day he landed. Cornwallis. in his letter to the
Lords of Trade, said that La Corne and La Loutre had 2,500 men with
them, including Canadians, French inhabitants and Indians, but this
is probably an over-estimate. What is certain is the fact that La
Corne had men enough to hold his ground against any English force in
Nova Scotia.
At St. John the French were equally bold,
although their force was smaller. Boishebert had there 65 Canadians
and 200 Indians, and lie had begun to rebuild the old fort on the
west side of the harbour. A French brigantine from Louisburg, laden
with stores, reached him in August in spite of the vigilance of the
English cruisers, and when Capt. Cobb, in the York, entered St. John
harbour to investigate, he found the brigantine lying at anchor
close to the fort. Cobb went ashore under a flag of truce and was
detained by Boishebert, who treated Cobb with great insolence,
threatened to destroy his vessel and warned him against meddling
with the brigantine, and insisted on him quitting the harbour, as he
said it belonged to the French King. Cobb was kept prisoner for a
short time by Boishebert but finally got away, carrying oft with him
six of the crew of the brigantine. Boishebert and La Corne were
pursuing the same tactics and they were in a position to assist each
other, for they had the command of an interior line of communication
by way of the Kenneheccasis, Anagance and Petitcodiac Rivers, with
which the English could not interfere. Behind all was a vast
wilderness, peopled by savages, into whose depths no Englishman
could venture, but which furnished a safe retreat for the French in
the last extremity. At this period all the chances seemed to be in
favor of the French not only retaining their position in Nova Scotia
but improving |
