Return of Philipps—All
the Acadians of the peninsula take the oath—Nature of this oath—It was
entitled “Oath of fealty," (“Serment de Fidelite”), and the Acadians
were called “French Neutrals”—What the Compiler thinks of this—Parkman.
Whoever confronts
Armstrong's reports on the question of the oath with his letters to the
Lords of Trade after his operations, at Annapolis, the other letter that
followed the failure of Captain Bennett, his instructions to Wroth and
the latter’s report, can easily account for the indignation the Lords of
Trade must have felt in presence of this series of administrative
tomfooleries and tricks, worthy, at best, of a horse-jockey or a street
mountebank. The exploits of Wroth had filled up the measure; all this
nonsense must now be stopped; the Government’s dignity gravely
compromised l>y Armstrong must be restored; a final and fairly
reasonable settlement must be made of this eternal Acadian question.
The Lords of Trade had
recourse to Philipps, who always retained the title of Governor of Nova
Scotia. It was not without regret that he quitted London where he led so
pleasant a life of leisure on his large salary. He himself, in his first
attempt, it is true, had not been more fortunate than Armstrong ; but he
was able at least to command attention by his high position, his courtly
manners, his urbanity; and, at all events, the dignity of the crown
would be safe in his hands. Moreover,, knowing by his own experience the
inflexible determination of the Acadians with regard to military
exemption, he brought with him or was expected to have brought a
solution to the difficulty, a middle term, which, he trusted, would give
them satisfaction. We know not the tenor of his instructions, but his
subsequent acts permit us to form a very correct estimate thereof.
Hardly had Philipps
landed at Annapolis when he set to work, and three weeks later, he wrote
to the Lords of Trade that he had administered the oath to all the
inhabitants of Annapolis, and that at the opening of navigation he would
do tbe same for the inhabitants of Mines, Cobequid and Beaubassin. who,
it was said, were all disposed to take it resolutely, “as they are
pleased to express that the good likeing they have to my Government, in
comparison of what they experienced afterwards, did not a little
contribute, and therefore, reserved irh.% honor for me; indeed, I have
had no occasion to make use of threats and compulsion."
Philipps had arrived in
December, 1729. On September 2nd following, he informed the Lords of
Trade that he had completed the tendering of the oath to all the
Acadians of the province. “A work,” says he, “which became daily more
necessary in regard to the great increase of those people, who are this
day a formidable body and. like Noah's progeny, spreading themselves
over the face of the Province. You are not unacquainted that for twenty
years past they have continued stubborn and refractory upon all summons
of this kind, but having essayed the difference of Government in my
absence, they signified their readiness to comply .... Thus far the
peace of the country is settled.”
How had Philipps been
able to obtain, and apparently with so much case, what he himself and
others had hitherto failed to obtain? Was this, as he boasted, due to
the superiority of his methods, to the mildness of his government? What
had really happened? What was the nature of the oath obtained? Was there
a clause exempting the Acadians from bearing arms against the French and
their allies? And if so, was it written or verbal?
The answer is easy.
Philipps, it is true, did not explain that to the Lords of Trade, he
merely says that he took care not to imitate Wroth’s shameful surrender.
Any further statement was unnecessary, since he had but just come from
England, his instructions were quite fresh, and the question must have
been discussed in all its different aspects before his departure.
Philipps well knew by his own sad experience that he could not hope for
an unrestricted oath; he must therefore have come with a solution all
prepared, and this solution was—to agree by word of mouth with the
Acadians that they should be exempt from bearing arms. A written promise
annexed to the oath was the difficulty that the authorities co aid not
surmount; it was, thought the}', a shameful capitulation, a derogation
from the dignity of the crown. It was not so for an oral promise, and
that was, I have no doubt, the concession which Philipps was instructed
to grant; for, in England at least, it was very well understood that the
Acadians could not be obliged to take up arms against their
fellow-countrymen. For the Acadians, the objection to an oral promise
was the lack of security; but this obstacle was not insurmountable. With
a man of Philipps’s high position, newly arrived from England, who
vouched for the word of his sovereign, the guarantee seemed sufficient,
and diffidence ceased. Such was, I firmly believe, the compromise
proposed, discussed and accepted; it readily explains the prompt success
of the negotiations.
When Haliburton wrote
his history of Nova Scotia, he had not access to the documents we now
possess. He does not even seem to have seriously tried to penetrate the
problem; but, with his knowledge of this people, his great talent of
observation, developed by his experience as a lawyer and a judge, he
immediately perceived that the Acadians could not have accepted an
unrestricted oath; but he supposes treachery; he recalls Armstrong’s
impostures, and supposes that some artifice of the kind had been
practised. He cannot have convinced these men, he must have deceived
them, says he. He was right in the sense that the Acadians did not
indeed take an unrestricted oath. But I do not think they were deceived.
The promise was only verbal, but was accepted as a solemn promise.
Haliburton, judging according to previous events, cannot believe the
Acadians accepted simple oral promises. His mistake arises from his not
adverting to the wide distinction they drew between a man of Armstrong's
character, so violent, so crafty, so fickle, so little respected by the
people about him, a man whose position was after all only secondary, and
Philipps with his imposing dignity, his high position and the
authorization which he had brought with him from England.
Contrary, then, to
several historians, who have su]> posed a written restrictive clause
annexed to the body of the oath and afterwards suppressed as was the
oath itself, which is not in the archives of Halifax, I assert that, in
all likelihood, the Acadians were not deceived by Philipps, that the
restrictive clause about not bearing arms was only verbal, and was
accepted as such.
I would not undertake
to establish the proof of this restriction, had not the Compiler
objected to it, and Parkman accepted his objection. According to them
the oath of fidelity was taken by all the Acadians voluntarily and
without any written or verbal condition.
In support of my
contention, I shall first cite Governor Lawrence, the very man who
deported the Acadians. In his circular to the governors of New England,
which accompanied the transports laden with exiled Acadians, I find the
following: “The Acadians ever refused to take the oath of Allegiance,
without having at the same time from the Governor an assurance in
writing that they should not he called upon to hear arms in the defence
of the Province, and with this General Philipps did comply, of which His
Majesty disapproved.”
This would seem to
prove clearly that there was a written promise: but Lawrence, I have
every reason to believe, was mistaken in that detail. The point on which
he wished to throw light was the restriction in the oath, and that alone
is well founded ; the details, which were only incidental to the
principal fact, are false : and it is equally false that His Majesty
disapproved this restriction, for not the slightest trace of such
disapprobation appears in the public documents. All we see there is a
small discussion between the Lords of Trade and Philipps on the
construction of a sentence in the oath, a mere matter of grammar.
Lawrence, who was not very particular, has construed this simple
question of syntax into a formal disapprobation of the oath.
In another letter of
Lawrence to Sir Thomas Rob*n-son, of November 30, 1755, we lind the
following, relative to the Acadians of Iieaubassin:
“They were the
descendants of those French who had taken the oath of allegiance to His
Majesty in the time of General Philipps' Government, with the reserve of
not taking arms.”
Another letter from
Lawrence, in the Archives of Nova Scotia, page 259, contains this
passage:
“As the Acadians of
this Province have never yet at any time taken the oath of allegiance
unqualified.”
Governor Cornwallis, in
his letter, dated September 11, 1749, to the duke of Bedford, writes:
“I cannot help saying
that General Philipps deserved the highest punishment for what he did
here, his allowing a reserve to the oath of allegiance."
The same Governor,
addressing the Acadian deputies, said:
“You have always
refused to take this oath without an expressed reservation."
Governor Hopson,
writing to the Lords of Trade, December 10, 1752, said
“Lord Cornwallis can
likewise acquaint you that the inhabitants of Beaubassin who had taken
the oath with General Philipps’s condition. ...”
Governor Mascarene, in
a letter to Shirley in April 1748, said with reference to the oath
obtained by Philipps:
“The Acadians intending
to have a clause not to be obliged to take up arms against the. French,
though not inserted, they have always stood was promised to them; and I
have heard it owned by those who were ot Mines when the oath was
administered at that place, that such a promise was given. Their plea
with the French, who pressed them to take, up arms, was their oath."
In 1744, when war was
raging between France and England, an attempt was made to oblige the
Acadians to serve as pilots and guides; but the Acadians, believing that
their oath exempted them from a service that appeared contrary to their
neutrality, addressed a petition to the governor to ask him his opinion
on this point. Governor Mascarene replied:
“If in taking this oath
of allegiance, the Government was kind enough to say to you, that ft
would not compel yon to take up arms, it was out of pure deference. That
they were not thereby exempted from serving as pilots and guides. . . .
Whereupon, they withdrew their petition.
There are other proofs
of the same kind in twenty different places :n the volume of the
Archives, and particularly on pages 204, 233, 234.
It was not without some
apprehension that the Acadians consented to waive their claim to a
written proof; so, in order to provide for emergencies, they,
immediately after the taking of the oath, drew up a certificate, which
was signed and attested, and addressed to the minister of foreign
affairs in Paris, to be, in case of necessity, appealed to by the French
Government.
“We, Charles de la
Goudalie, priest, missionary of the parish of Mines, (Grand Pre and
River aux Canards') and Noel Alexandre Noirville, priest bacholor of the
faculty of theologians of la Sarbunne, missionary and parish priest of
the Assumption and of the Holy Family of Pigiguit, certify to whom this
may concern, that His Excellency Richard Philipps, etc., etc., has
promised to the inhabitants of Mines and other rivers dependent thereon,
that he exempts them from bearing arms and fighting in war against the
French and the Indians, and that the said inhabitants have only accepted
allegiance and promised never to take up arms in the event of a war
against the Kingdom of England and its government.
“The present
certificate made, given and signed by us here named, this April 25,
1730, to be put into the hands of the inhabitants, to be-available and
useful to them wherever there shall be need or reason for it.
"Signed: de la Goudalie,
parish priest; Xoel Noirville, priest and missionary.
“Collated by Alexander
Hourg Belle-1 fumeur, this 25th April, 1730.”
It would be difficult
not to admit the force of the proof I have just given. I might add the
very significant fact that, since 1730, the Acadians were universally
known by the name of “French Neutrals.” Thus are they very often
designated by the official documents emanating from the governors of the
province and from the Lords of Trade. To pretend, as the Compiler does,
that their oath contained no restriction, would be to destroy all the
significance of this appellation, and to suppose an absurdity.
In spite of all this
evidence the Compiler says: “Governor Philipps, on his return to
Annapolis in 1730, brought the people, at last, to take an unconditional
oath, willingly''’ The reader will be curious to know what grounds the
Compiler had to establish a pretension that was never alleged at this
epoch, and which is expressly and repeatedly contradicted by all the
governors of the Province, who succeeded Philipps, namely: by Mascarene,
Cornwallis, Hopson, and Lawrence. The reply is very simple: his
pretension is utterly groundless. In the entire volume, which he himself
compiled, there is not one sentence, not one word that supports his
pretension or implies it, whether directly or indirectly. This may
appear strange, but it is not so for me who am accustomed to the
artifices of the Compiler. It would he difficult to express in fit
language the conduct of a man who dares to uphold such views not only
without any proof, but against a mass of documents that destroy them.
“In April, 1730,” says
the Compiler, “Governor Philipps announced to the council the
unqualified submission of the inhabitants.” No such thing occurred.
Neither to his council, nor to the Lords of Trade did Philipps ever use
the expression unqualifiednor any other equivalent one; at least there
is not a trace thereof in the Compiler’s volume, and there can be no
doubt that any document that contained such an expression would not have
been omitted, as he omits such documents only as are unsuited to his
purpose.
Until now I have had to
attack only his bad faith, and that was bad enough; but it is, if such a
thing be possible, outdone by his presumption. Listen to him;
"The term “Neutral
French” having been so frequently applied to the Acadians in public
documents, their constant denial of an unqualified oath ever having been
taken by them, the reiterated assertions of their priests. . . led the
governors at Halifax, in 1749, and at subsequent periods, erroneously to
suppose that no unconditional oath of allegiance had ever been taken by
the people of Acadia to the British Crown.”
This is really
ridiculous. A man must fancy himself endowed with intuitive cognition
and born with infused science, before he thus ventures to substitute his
own groundless view for the wisely formed opinions of all his
predecessors, and to set himself against them all. He is ludicrously in
earnest when he proclaims to the world that the term “French Neutral”
never had any foundation in fact. The contemporaries of these events,
the governors and Lords of Trade, when they made use of it in public
documents, knew not what they were saying. Mascarene, who had been
present at the taking of Port Royal in 1710, who in 1730 was counsellor
to Philipps, and in 1740 governor himself, knew nothing. The officers of
the garrison who had been, some of them, witnesses of this tendering of
the oath, and who had reported it to Mascarene, Cornwallis, Hopson and
Lawrence, knew nothing. All these governors had a thousand ways of
ascertaining the true state of the case ; yet, they knew nothing. The
facts that they so positively affirm were contrary to their interests
and desires, and, nevertheless, they let themselves be imposed upon by
the affirmations of the Acadians. What a fraud history is, if this be
the case ! But, considering that this attempt to overthrow one of the
best established historical facts is supported only by the ipse dixit of
a man living in a different century, even though he be a compiler of
archives, I prefer to say: What monumental audacity!
Their constant
denial........led the governors to believe ”......, as if there had then
been a great controversy on this subject between the Acadians and the
governors; whereas, I repeat, there is not one sentence, not one word in
the whole volume of the archives, compiled by himself, that shows it was
so. It is a pure fabrication. And, if in reality this question had been
the object of a controversy, it -would be necessary to believe that the
Acadians were able to satisfy these governors that their pretensions
were well founded, and then it would be rash for a funde siecle compiler
of the nineteenth century to dispute the validity of facts a century and
a half old. already pondered, matured and accepted by contemporaries
whose interest it was not to admit them. “ Their constant denial of an
unqualified oath, and the reiterated assertions of their priests ... led
the governors erroneously to believe ”____ According to this ineffable
compiler, the testimony, the constant affirmations of the Acadians and
their priests, all count for nothing, are not worth the least verbal
report of the vilest soldier of the garrison; that is no doubt the
reason why he has systematically omitted the few documents coming from
the Acadians. In this spirit has all this volume been compiled.
Haliburton, it is easy
to see, cannot have known the opinion on this subject of the four
governors I have just named; however, his powers of observation and his
legal instinct, aided by his impartiality, had guided him securely in
this search for truth. He had not been able to believe in an oath
without restriction ; the subsequent discoveries showed he was right.
Thus is true history written; one must possess these qualities to write
it; otherwise it is only a lie.
Parkman, on this point,
as on many others, has endorsed the opinion of the Compiler. It is so
convenient to opinions ready-made. Put, there is this difference between
them: while the Compiler had absolutely no ground for his opinion.
Parkman had at least the excuse of resting on the Compiler’s authority.
Slender as this is, let him have the benefit of it.*
Since the foregoing was
written. Mr. Parkmeii in his new work, “A Halt Century of Conflict” has
rectified in these terms what he had formerly said: .
“Recently .however,
evidence has appeared that, so far at least as regards the Acadians on
and near the Mines Basin, the effect of the oath was qua'i fled by a
promise on the part of Philipps that they should not be required to take
up arms either against French or Indians.”
Mr. Parkiman had
accepted the opinion 'if the Compiler without verifying it. I must do
him the justice of admitting that he likes to found his statements on
something ; but he is wrong in saying: “recently evidence han appeared,”
'or with the exception o& the -avidavit ol Messrs. de la Goudalie,
Noirvilk Bi'urg. the entire proof I have produced is drawn from the
volume of the Archives itself, v, hich he quotes frequently in his
former work, “Wolfe and Montcalm;” however, some labor is needed to
combine the factors of this proof. Besides,his correction is incomplete,
as he applies to the Acadians of Mines what should apply to all. |