Situation of the
Acadians at Beausejour—Venality of Vergor and the French officers—Le
Loutre.
The time has now come
to review briefly the principal events that bail occurred within the
last few years at Beausejour on French territory. I have already spoken
of the efforts Le Loutre had made to force the Beaubassin Acadians to
cross the frontier. He then had a promise from the Governor of Canada
that those who should emigrate from English territory would receive
compensation for their losses. A line of dikes was to be constructed
that would provide for the majority of them excellent farms ready for
tillage. Unfortunately Le Loutre’s efforts seem to have been;-for a long
time, frustrated by the extortions and venality of the French officers.
France was then traversing one of the most shameful epochs of her
history. She was taking all available roads to ruin. Every incentive to
great movements and noble undertakings, whatever had hitherto commanded
respect and provoked enthusiasm was fast disappearing under the polished
irony of gentlemanly scamps whose wit amused France and stood to her
instead of glory- There was pulling down without building up. All that
had been the strength of Franco was wasting away before this destructive
blast, and nothing remained but the wilderness it created. Pleasure was
the standard of all things. The example was set by the throne and
imitated in the higher classes of society. In this madcap race after
sensual delights the treasury, carelessly guarded, became a prey to
favorites and venal hangers-on.
In Canada Intendant
Bigot was the vampire which, sucking the life-blood of France, was
rapidly hurrying her to ruin and dishonor. Not content with his personal
delinquencies, lie incited his friends to similar peculations. Thus he
wrote to Vergor, commandant at Beausejour: “Make the best of your
position, my dear Vergor; shear and pare to your heart’s content, so as
to join me one day in France and buy yourself a mansion near mine.” As
might well be supposed this invitation to pillage was sure to find a
response in that venal wretch, and so the promise of assistance to the
emigrated Acadians was made void. In the face of all these obstacles Le
Loutre went to France for the help he so much needed. A sum of fifty
thousand francs was confided to him, and on his return dike-building was
vigorously pushed. To protect himself against the venality of middlemen,
he personally procured the necessary provisions and distributed them to
the Acadian workers. This is, I believe, what afforded a pretext for the
charge that Le Loutre was engaging in commercial transactions on his own
account. The officers, whom he was thus balking in their attempts to
defraud the treasury, were naturally very jealous of his great
influence. They must have dreaded and hated him. This being the case,
one understands Pichon’s saying: “He had so ingratiated himself with the
Marquis de la Galissionniere that it became a crime to write against
him.”
Oddly enough, Parkman
has failed to give publicity to this charge of unpriestly traffic.
Perhaps he was not aware of it, for Pichon, I think, does not mention
it. Or perhaps Parkman’s silence may be due to the fact that he had
found means to implicate him in a murder, compared to which the peddling
of wares by a priest became a mere peccadillo.
The funds did not
arrive till the autumn of 1753, too late to begin operations that year.
So far, little had been done to allay the distress of the emigrated
Acadians. They led a rather miserable existence, working sometimes for
the French of Beausejour, sometimes for the English of Fort Lawrence, in
full view of the fields they had watered with their sweat and where they
had spent happy years in plenty and peace. Their lot would have been
more endurable had there been any prospect of stability in the future;
but the part of the country offered them was disputed territory. The
Commission appointed to settle the frontier line was then sitting; it
might decide that their new lands belonged to England; in which case
they would have either to go into exile once more and face its
concomitant tribulations and distress or to accept conditions they had
just refused at the cost of the greatest sacrifices. The circumstances
of their departure, their forced expatriation after the destruction of
their dwellings, were so many overwhelming memories. The storm which
Cornwallis had raised about the oath had long since been lulled. Their
relatives, their brothers, their friends of Grand Pro, Pigiguit aud
Annapolis were no longer molested. They dwelt in tranquillity and
abundance as in the happy days before the foundation of Halifax. They
were once more beginning to hope that the question of the oath would
never again be raised. To Cornwallis, himself considerably humanized
during the last two years of his administration, had succeeded a kindly
and sympathetic man, the praise of whose intentions and actions was in
every mouth. The combined result of all their surroundings was an
increase of fear on the one hand and of regret on the other. Many
crossed over with their families and their cattle to lie Saint-Jean
(Prince Edward Island). There at least, if they took up land, they ran
no risk of relapsing into the state of affairs which had brought about
their departure; for the island was incontestably French soil and not
disputed. But there also they would have a precarious and dangerous
situation. This island, being long and narrow, left them ever exposed,
in case of war, to the depredations of corsairs and to the horrors of an
invasion. However no choice was left to them, and so most of them
preferred this alternative.
As we have seen, those
who remained at Beausejour had addressed a petition to Governor Hopson,
expressing their desire to return to their farms, provided they were
exempt from bearing arms. This proposal had been rejected. In the first
months of his administration. when Lawrence had not as yet conceived his
sinister design, he had made overtures to them through the commandant of
Fort Lawrence. He had authorized him to declare that he had no
intention, at present, of obliging them to bear arms. His guarantees
were deemed insufficient.
In making a report to
the Lords of Trade of these negotiations, Lawrence said: “It was
privately informed that at their return, they were in a very ill humor
with Le Loutre and with the French commandant; and that they represented
to them the hardships they labored under in not being suffered to accept
the proposals of the English in a remonstrance that I am told was
very-little short of a mutiny.” This information was furnished by Pichon.
Some months later, when
Abbe Daudin was arrested, Pichon, writing to Captain Scott, told him “
that the affair of Abbe Daudin was making a great stir at Beau-s^jour;
that Le Loutre had preached a very violent sermon, in which he abused
the English, and showed the Acadians what they could expect from a
treacherous nation which thus expelled a holy priest; that the same fate
was in store for the other priests, and that, if they recrossed the
frontier, they would perish miserably, deprived of the sacraments and of
the helps of their religion.” He requested them—this is the substance of
Pichon’s further statements—to meet at the Commandant’s after Mass,
saying that he had to read to them a letter from the Governor of Canada.
But the refugees did not come. M. de Vergor twice sent a sergeant to
notify them. Only about twenty came. As they seemed loath to enter the
house, the Commandant got angry and ordered them to enter under pain of
being put in irons. The letter of the Governor of Canada, which Pichon
said was a forgery, was then read to them. It promised various kinds of
assistance. “You must know,” continues Pichon, “that, last month,
eighty-three of the Acadian refugees sent two of their number with a
petition to the Governor of Canada, in which they requested to be
allowed to return to their farms, seeing that we could not give them
suitable ones, those which we offered them being claimed by the English
Government. They further said that they did not deem themselves released
from the obligations of their oath of fidelity to the King of Great
Britain, and that they were threatened with the punishment of rebels
should they be taken among the French.”
It is impossible for me
either to contradict or to confirm these assertions of Pichon. I quote
him because what he relates is not unlikely; on the contrary, his story
is quite in keeping with the idea I have formed of the situation and of
Le Lon tie’s motives. There is this contrast between Pichon's
accusations anent the Howe murder and his present testimony that he is
now oil the spot at Beausejour, and therefore able to be thoroughly
well-informed. In this case he seems to have had no motive for lying.
After the excitement
caused by Cornwallis’s conduct on his landing at Halifax, Le Loutre had
considerably cooled down, most probably because the danger he had
foreseen had, for the time being, disappeared. But when he saw that
Hopson was not coming back, and that Lawrence, whom he had had occasion
to know, became titular governor and was already yielding to his cruel
instincts, he once more took alarm. And when his colleague Daudin was
dragged to Halifax and condemned to quit the country, no doubt his
impetuous zeal found in this incident all that was needed to set it
aflame. From his point of view, and I am inclined to think it was the
right one, Daudin was a victim of persecution. This was, as Pichon makes
him say, the beginning of a regime which would soon deprive the Acadians
of their priests and of the free exercise of their religion. Was he
mistaken? Certainly not, and this certainty increases in the light of
subsequent events. He knew enough of Lawrence’s character to suppose him
capable of any crime. Of course Le Loutre’s impulsiveness, his religious
enthusiasm—some would say, his fanaticism—might cloud his better
judgment and make him see intentions that did not exist, or at least
exaggerate them; but I am convinced that, Cassandra-like, he saw clearly
the woes that were to whelm the Acadian people, if the French were
dislodged from their hold on the Bay of Fundy. Abbe Le Guerne, who was
also a missionary near Beausejour on the French side, without sharing Le
Loutre’s ardor and vehemence, thoroughly shared his fears. He himself
tells us that Le Loutre, after the taking of Beausejour, and on leaving
the country, strongly urged the Acadians to be submissive towards the
English, in order, if possible, to avert the misfortunes which he saw
threatening them. |