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British America
In two volumes by John M'Gregor, Esq. (second edition) (1833)
PREFACE
The materials of the following
Sketches were principally collected during my travels, and while
residing for several years in America. My pursuits afforded me the
most favourable opportunities of becoming acquainted with the
regions least known in these kingdoms; and I have zealously
endeavoured to describe whatever came under my own observation, and
to form conclusions according to the information communicated to me
by others, without any bias.
Every thing convinced me that the British Empire in North America
was imperfectly known; and, consequently, that the just value of
that vast territory was not understood. I was also convinced that
nearly all the errors committed in treating with foreign powers
concerning His Majesty’s colonies, as well as all the blunders which
have occurred in our colonial policy, have been the results of the
meagre information possessed by our government, and not, according
to a prevalent opinion, the effect of intentional neglect on the
part of His Majesty’s ministers.
In order to give a general, historical, and descrip* tive view of
British America, I have briefly noticed the early settlement,
advancement, and the causes that led to the independence of the old
colonies; and also the constitution, policy, military and naval
force, and the public institutions of the United States. I have, at
the same time, endeavoured to exhibit impartially the general
characteristics of society in that extraordinary Republic*, in
which, although there may be much to condemn, there is assuredly
much more to admire: particularly among those who, from their
education, superior abilities, and wealth, naturally give a tone to
public manners, and, at the same time, openly or silently govern the
people.
To avoid tedious recapitulation, I have in the Second Book
endeavoured to describe, with all possible accuracy, the natural
history of British America; and in appropriating a Book to an
account of each colony, I have, with a short history of its
settlement and progress, devoted respective portions to the
topography, natural resources, constitution, laws, agriculture,
trade, and inhabitants. The last Book contains remarks on
emigration, and miscellaneous subjects, which are generally
considered of importance by the Colonists, and to those who are
about leaving the United Kingdom for America.
The descriptive parts of the work are principally from personal
observation; or, when I was prevented from visiting any of the
places that I have described, I have had recourse tojthe best
resident authorities, whose statements and accounts I have carefully
examined and compared, before introducing their substance into this
work. I have also had the records of all the British American
legislatures placed in my hands.
The statistical accounts are calculated according to official
returns, and statements drawn up specially for me by resident
gentlemen of well-known probity in Upper and Lower Canada, and in
each of the Maritime Colonies.
The materials of the historical sketches I have taken from various
old records, particularly those of Massachusetts Bay, relative to
the early settlement of our colonies ; from Hakluyt; the Lex
Merca-toria; Anderson on Commerce ; Lascarbot, Charlevoix ; Raynal;
La Hontan; Pepperal’s Journal; Journal of the Jesuits; and various
manuscript records and letters, which I collected in America.
To many gentlemen of high standing in the colonies, I have
gratefully to acknowledge the obligations I owe them, not only for
personal civilities, but for the excellent information which they
have afforded me. For a great portion of the facts I required, in
drawing up statements relative to the trade of the colonies, I am
indebted to the Chamber of Commerce of Halifax, the best repository
of commercial information in America; and the benefits of which were
extended to me by the courtesy of the gentlemen who form its members
having resolved, at a general meeting, when I was last at Halifax,
“that the books in which their transactions were registered should
be sent me, with liberty to make such extracts as I thought proper.”
Nor must I omit to acknowledge the facility extended to me by the
principal officers of His Majesty’s Customs.
In whatever I have read on emigration, there appeared to me either a
prejudice or an interested bias for or against the question. The
information collected for the Emigration Committee, and the
observations founded on that information, by the Right Honourable
Wilmot Horton, as far as regards emigration on a grand scale,
afford, it is true, correct details; but they are not within the
reach of general readers, nor to be obtained by persons in humble
life, who emigrate at their own expense.. The valuable work of the
late Lord Selkirk would form another exception to the above
observation, if it detailed as fully the difficulties that attended,
as it does the causes, that, in Scotland, led to emigration. It is
no common-day business, but a most serious consideration, for a man
with his family to remove from the place in which he was born and
brought up, and from occupations to which he has been trained and
habituated from his childhood, to a country far distant, and, in
many respects, different from his own, and in which he must assume
pursuits, and acquire ideas, to which he is a perfect stranger. I
have therefore endeavoured to point out, occasionally in the
descriptive pages, and concisely in the last book of this work, the
advantages and the difficulties which may be expected to attend
emigrating from the United Kingdom and settling in America.
The establishing of steam-vessels between the United Kingdom and
British America, touching at the points marked in the general chart,
would not only connect both countries much more intimately than at
present, but the resources of each would be greatly augmented in
value, and the importance of the British colonies would also be much
better appreciated. I may observe, that the province of Nova Scotia
alone, if possessed by the United States, would render that Republic
independent of all Europe; and, in the event of another war, when
steam-ships will become terrible to all others, the Americans would
be enabled, by possessing the exhaustless coal and iron mines of
Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, to defy the united naval force of all
Europe on the shores of the western world.
At present the Americans have no coal within themselves that we know
of*, except the remarkably slow kindling anthracite, which is
useless for the immediate fire required in the furnaces of
steam-engines, while Great Britain now possesses the most.valuable
treasures of the most useful of all minerals, coal and iron, in the
parts most convenient for immediate use, both in her home and
colonial dominions.
The British North American colonies are, comparatively speaking,
still in their infancy. To be convinced of this, we have only to
compare what the old colonies now forming the United States were
when they declared their independence, with their present condition,
and then draw a parallel between their condition at that time, and
the present state of the British North American colonies.
In 17/2, the European population of. the old colonies was little
more than 2,000,000. At present, the population of the United States
is about 18,500,000. In 1788, all the European inhabitants of the
present British North American possessions only amounted to 198,000.
They now (1833) contain a population of about 1,800,000. When we
therefore consider that these colonies, by cultivation and
improvement, are capable of supporting at least 30,000,000 of
inhabitants ; and including the countries west of the great lakes,
probably more than 50,000,000, and that the soil of those countries
will produce all the crops that ripen in England, with Indian com,
and other productions, in a climate equally salubrious as that of
Britain, we will have little difficulty in concluding, that the men
who plant themselves in those regions must rapidly increase their
numbers; and becoming, from interest and inclination, attached to
the land of their adoption, they and their offspring will for ever
maintain possession of vast and valuable territory, which, from well
known causes, will give the power that holds dominion over it the
umpirage of the Western World.
It has been urged, as an argument in support of the inutility of our
colonies, that the United States of America have taken more British
manufactured goods since, than before their independence. Never was
there a more false inference made by men who commit blunders from
not examining facts. The increased consumption of British goods in
the American republic, is the natural consequence of a rapidly
increased population; for that the people of the United States have
not augmented the demand for British fabrics, in the same ratio as
their numbers have multiplied, is satisfactorily proved by various
unexceptionable authorities.
This arises in consequence of the political bond between the United
Kingdom and the United States being severed, having turned the
attention of Congress to home manufactures; and, in order to foster
them, to impose heavy restrictions by an obnoxious tariff on the
importation of goods, as a measure which the American legislature
consider politically wise. Vast quantities of French, and other
continental manufactures, as well as Asiatic fabrics, have also been
annually consumed in the United States since they became
independent; while the present British North America and West Indian
colonies receive nearly all their manufactured supplies from the
United Kingdom.
There are, we know, men who clamour against the retention of her
colonies by England. But let us only consider, that if Great Britain
lose her present possessions in North America, they must either
merge into the government of the United States, or if they be left
independently to themselves, interest and safety would induce thpm
to form a league, offensive and defensive, at least the Northern
States; and should such a separation, and such a compact ever be
formed, who can say that the splendid magnificence of England will
not be tarnished —that her naval glory will not decline—and that her
political consequence among the nations of the earth will not
diminish, along with the loss of the colonies of the West?
Admitting, on the ground of argument, that the colonies are to be
abandoned by Great Britain, will they be conquered by the Americans
? Certainly not During the last war, the progress the latter made
towards conquering Canada, was little more than trifling desultory
attacks, although the defence of the country depended chiefly on the
bravery of the Canadian militia. The British colonies can now raise
an effective militia of at least 180,000 men, equally brave and
well-disciplined as any troops the Americans can bring against them;
and if ever the American Republic and the British North American
colonies unite under one government, it must be by 'mutual consent,
and from considerations of mutual benefit and protection.
The retention of our colonies is, however, an object of such vital
importance to the power and prosperity—to the trade, manufactures,
and safety of the United Kingdom — that the very idea of abandoning
them cannot be for one moment defended, either on just or political
grounds. Wanting colonies, and consequentlya commercial navy, the
manufactures and military navy of France began to languish from the
day that the battle which Wolfe fought on the plains of Abraham,
destroyed the poWer of France in America. Had England wanted her
colonies during the last war, her importance in the scale of nations
would, in all probability, be very different from the magnificent
and powerful state which she has maintained amidst all the eventful
changes of that period.
Volume 1 |
Volume 2 |
