ON February 3rd, 1812,
the House of Assembly at York was opened with all due state and
ceremony, and a brilliant suite attended the acting governor. In his
speech General Brock deplored the treatment of England by the United
States, from whose harbours English vessels were interdicted, while they
were open to those of her foes. Although he still hoped that war would
be averted, he recommended measures that would defeat the aggressions of
the enemy and secure internal peace. He appealed to the sons of those
who had stood by England in the past, not that he thought it was
necessary to animate their patriotism, but in order to dispel any
apprehension in the country of the possibility of England deserting
them. On February 12th General Brock wrote to Colonel Baynes: "The
assurance which I gave in my speech at the opening of the legislature,
of England co-operating in the defence of this province, has infused the
utmost confidence, and I have reason at this moment to look for the
acquiescence of the two Houses to every measure I may think necessary to
recommend for the peace and defence of the country."
General Brock's hopeful
anticipation of help from England was not realized during 1812. The
preparations for defence were woefully hampered by the instructions
which Sir George Prevost undoubtedly received from the home government
to avoid expenditure. He was limited as to expenses, and repeatedly
cautioned not to provoke hostilities. Consent had been given to the
completion of the defences of Quebec, but while millions were given to
help Spain, and Austria, and Russia, and Prussia against Napoleon,
Canada was left without money or soldiers. There was neither money to
meet the cost of a war, nor troops to carry it through with any chance
of success. Nor was it in a quarrel of her own that Canada was engaged,
but the quarrel was forced upon her because she was the most vulnerable
part of the British empire.
The measures that
General Brock hoped to carry through the House were: (1) A militia
supplementary act; (2) the suspension of the habeas corpus; (3) an alien
law, and the offer of a reward for the apprehension of deserters. He
knew well that there were traitors even in the House of Assembly and
among the militia, men who had recently come from the United States and
whose sympathies were with the latter country. He was convinced that it
was advisable to require every one to take an oath of allegiance
abjuring all foreign powers. He wrote: "If I succeed in all this I shall
claim some praise, but I am not without my fears."
The administrator was
doomed to be disappointed in securing the support of the two Houses of
the legislature to the measures he had thought necessary to recommend.
The bill to introduce the oath of abjuration was lost by the casting
vote of the chairman. The bill for the suspension of the habeas corpus
was lost by a small majority, partly because the members did not see its
necessity, not believing that war would take place. General Brock
thought that the reason for the acts not passing was the great influence
the numerous settlers from the United States possessed over the decision
of the Lower House. He thought this influence was alarming, and could be
remedied only by encouraging "real subjects" to settle in the province.
He recommended that grants of Crown lands should be given to any Scotch
emigrants who should enlist in the Glengarry Fencibles. He wrote to
Colonel Baynes at Quebec concerning the disappointment he felt at the
failure of the assembly to pass the bills he wanted. In reply, Baynes
said: "Sir George, who is well versed in the fickle and intractable
disposition of public assemblies, feels more regret than disappointment.
He has a very delicate card to play himself with his House of Assembly
here, who would fain keep up the farce of being highly charmed with his
amiable disposition and affable manners."
In March, 1812,
congress met, and the president's message was decidedly hostile. It
began by charging that British cruisers had been in the continued
practice of violating the American flag on the great highway of nations,
and of seizing and carrying off persons sailing under it. This was the
first time the government of the United States had alleged impressment
as its chief grievance, or had announced its intention to claim redress.
There was another
grievance that the president brought forward in his message. It will be
remembered that in 1808 one John Henry went to the United States from
Canada on a secret mission, and entered into a correspondence with Mr.
Ryland, the secretary of Sir James Craig, relative to the feeling in the
United States at that time as to war with England. Henry wrote fourteen
letters in all, none of which were important or incriminating to the
government of Canada. They were merely what an ordinary journalist might
write on public affairs. Nevertheless he seems to have placed a high
value on his services, and not receiving from Sir James Craig as much as
he expected, he went to England in 1811 and claimed a reward from the
government there. This was refused, and he was told to apply to the
successor of Sir James Craig as better able to appreciate the ability
and success with which his mission had been executed. Enraged by this
refusal, Henry determined to sell his documents to the United States. On
his way back to America for this purpose he had as a fellow-passenger a
young Frenchman, Count Edward de Crillon, who represented himself as
belonging to a noble French family. To this man Henry confided his woes
and grievances, and met with much sympathy. The count agreed to
accompany him to Washington and assist him in selling his papers to the
government there. He also persuaded Henry to purchase from him his
family estate of "Castle St. Martine," to which he might retire and
renew the health and strength which had been shattered by anxiety and
the ingratitude of his country. All the payment the count would ask was
the money from the American government which Henry would receive by his
assistance from the authorities at Washington. Henry joyfully agreed. De
Crillon, who had most engaging manners, was welcomed by the best society
at the capital, who lavished on him all the attentions that his rank
demanded. The memory of Lafayette still lingered in the United States,
and the count touched the right chord in the national heart. By his
clever persuasion, Secretary Monroe paid over the sum of fifty thousand
dollars for the papers, which were made use of by the president to fan
the flame of war.
Madison in his address
informed congress that while the Americans were at peace with the
British, the governor of Canada had employed an emissary to traverse the
states of the union, and especially Massachusetts, in order to excite
the people to revolt. A thousand copies of the letters were ordered to
be printed and distributed. The English government was charged in the
press with fomenting disaffection, intriguing with the disaffected to
destroy the union, and draw the eastern states into an alliance with
Great Britain.1 Sir George Prevost wrote on the subject to Lord
Liverpool: "Before your Lordship receives this letter you will probably
be in possession of all the circumstances relative to Henry's treachery.
From Mr. Henry's residence in this country and his religion, from his
thorough acquaintance with the Canadian character and language, and,
above all, from his deep resentment against the government, Bonaparte
may be inclined to give him a favourable reception in France, with a
view to his keeping his talents in reserve to suit the exigencies of the
government of the United States, in event of an alliance being formed
between these countries against England."
The sequel of the
story, which was not known until long afterwards, was that de Crillon
was an impostor. When the money was paid over to him he disappeared,
leaving with Henry the worthless title deeds to an imaginary estate.
Even in this small affair one can trace the hand of the astute master of
Europe, for the so-called Count de Crillon turned out to be an agent of
Napoleon's secret police!
The hostile address of
the president, and the preparations for war that were being made
throughout the United States, inspired Brock to fresh exertions for the
defence of his province, which would undoubtedly be the part of Canada
to be first attacked. No possible precaution was omitted, there was no
weak spot that was not strengthened to the best of his ability. He
spared himself no fatigue. One day at York, engaged in the duties of his
office, the next day he would be at Fort George superintending the
defences of that frontier, reviewing and animating the militia, giving
the word of praise where it was needed, cheering the timid, awing the
disloyal. Even the Indians were not forgotten, and a visit was paid to
the Grand River, where were settled the Six Nation Indians, with whom he
was extremely popular.
The boasts in congress
of the easy conquest of Canada, and the insolence of the press in the
United States, had roused an intense national feeling among both the
French and English inhabitants. In Quebec the corps known as "The
Voltigeurs" had been raised and placed under the command of Major de
Salaberry. We read in the papers of the day that it was completed with a
despatch "worthy of the ancient warlike spirit of the country."
In Lower Canada, by the
militia law, the province was divided into fifty-two divisions. All
males from sixteen to sixty were required to enrol their names with a
captain of companies mustered to serve a year. This was the sedentary
militia, consisting of about fifty thousand men. The incorporated
militia, by an act passed May 19th, 1812, was fixed at two thousand men,
but was increased afterwards. This body was chosen by ballot from
unmarried men in the sedentary militia, the term of service to be two
years, which was afterwards increased to three years. No substitutes
were permitted to serve. In the Upper Province, with some trifling
modifications, the same system prevailed, but on account of the more
scanty population the force was proportionately less.
The commander-in-chief
still preached caution and forbearance. In his letter to General Brock,
of March 31st, 1812, his says: "I have carefully examined
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell's report on the American fort at Detroit,
written at your desire from information he had received during a
residence of a few days in the vicinity. Whatever temptations may offer
to induce you to depart from a system strictly defensive, I must
pointedly request that under the existing circumstances of our relation
with the government of the United States, you must not allow them to
lead you into any measure bearing the character of offence, even should
a declaration of war be laid on the table of 190 congress by the
president's influence, because I am informed by our minister at
Washington there prevails throughout the United States a great
unwillingness to enter upon hostilities, and also because the apparent
neglect at Detroit might be but a bait to tempt us to an act of
aggression, in its effects uniting parties, strengthening the power of
the government of that country, and affording that assistance to the
raising of men for the augmentation of the American army, without which
their ability to raise an additional regiment is now questioned. You are
nevertheless to persevere in your preparations for defence."
Three weeks later, in a
letter to Lord Liverpool, Sir George Prevost's tone had changed, and he
was inclined to think war was more imminent. He writes: "The recent
passing of an embargo act in congress, the orders issued for the march
of sixteen hundred men to reinforce the American positions on Lakes Erie
and Ontario and the river St. Lawrence, indicate an inevitable
disposition for hostilities, which have induced me to accept the
services of five hundred Canadian youths, to be formed into a corps of
light infantry, or voltigeurs." On the same date, the minister at
Washington, Mr. Foster, wrote to Lord Castlereagh, who had succeeded the
Marquis of Wellesley as secretary of war: "The militia in the northern,
and particularly the eastern states, are well trained and armed. The
general who has been lately appointed commander-in-chief (Dearborn) is a
heavy, unwieldy looking man, who was a major in the American
revolutionary war, and was a prisoner in Canada. He has apparently
accepted his appointment with great reluctance. There is a cannon
foundry near here from which a hundred cannon have been lately sent to
New York, many of them cast iron. They have fifty more now on hand.
Considerable supplies are daily sending to Albany, the contractors
having shipped for that place every barrel of beef and pork in the
market."
On April 14th, the
president of the United States placed an embargo on all American vessels
for ninety days, so as to limit the number on the high seas, and also to
enable them to man their ships of war and privateers. Their fastest
merchant vessels were made into cruisers. The anti-war party in the
United States, however, still hoped that the orders-in-council would be
repealed or at least some friendly message sent from the English
government. But no friendly message came.
In England at this time
there was an interregnum of confusion. It was on May 8th, 1812, that
Spencer Perceval, the prime minister, was assassinated. A letter of that
date says: "Never has the British government been in the situation it
now is, Mr. Perceval dead, and all public offices in confusion, and the
great men caballing one against the other. If they repeal the
orders-in-council, the American trade will flourish beyond all former
periods. They will then have the whole commerce of the continent in
their hands, and the British, though blockading with powerful armaments
the hostile ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American merchantmen
enter in safety the harbours of the enemy, and carry on a brisk and
lucrative trade, whilst the English, who command the ocean and are sole
masters of the deep, must quietly suffer two-thirds of their shipping to
be dismantled, and to lie snug and useless in little rivers or alongside
huge but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in order to earn a little salt
junk and flinty biscuit, must spread themselves like vagabonds over the
face of the earth, and enter the service of any nation. If, on the
contrary, they continue to enforce their orders, trade will still remain
in its present deplorable state. An American war will follow, and poor
Canada will be obliged to bear the whole brunt of American vengeance."
On April 21st, 1812,
the Regent had agreed to revoke the orders-in-council if the Berlin and
Milan decrees should be repealed. It was June 15th, however, when Mr.
Brougham, in the House of Commons, moved for their repeal. They were
revoked on June 23rd, a few days after the actual declaration of war by
the United States.
In May the English
government did not apprehend war. So little did they think it was coming
that both the 41st and 49th Regiments were ordered back for service in
Portugal. In July even Lord Liverpool, the new prime minister, wrote
that he hoped there would be no occasion for the sacrifices that the
people of Lower Canada were willing to make for the defence of their
country, and that the repeal of the orders-in-council would bring about
a better feeling between the two countries. He directed that
preparations for defence should be delayed, and that the proposed
raising of the Glengarry Regiment should be given up. When that letter
arrived at its destination, war was in progress. It was well for Canada
that by the foresight of one man in command there, preparations had been
made to meet it.
In April news came from
Washington that five hundred militia from the state of New York were to
be sent to Niagara, five hundred to Black Rock, opposite Fort Erie, and
six hundred to Lake Cham-plain. It was thought that this measure would
provoke hostilities, as it looked as if the Americans were determined to
pick a quarrel. Again and again Sir George Prevost cautioned Brock to
use every effort to prevent a collision. He was evidently afraid that
his energetic colleague would precipitate hostilities.
In spite of his
conviction that the sooner events came to a climax the better for
Canada, General Brock writes in' obedience to the orders of his
commanding officer: "I entreat you to believe that no act within my
control shall afford the government of the United States a legitimate
pretext to add to the clamour so artfully raised against England."
Brock's keen military instinct had divined what the enemy would first
attempt, and he had urged upon Sir George Prevost the importance of
striking the first blow. Sir George apparently agreed with Brock, yet
held back, seemingly in doubt as to the line he should pursue. He was,
no doubt, hampered by his instructions from England. In a letter to
Colonel Baynes, Brock repeats: "I declare my full conviction that unless
Detroit and Michilimackinac be both in our possession at the
commencement of hostilities, not only the district of Amherstburg, but
most probably the whole country as far as Kingston must be evacuated."
As to arms for the militia, he urged that they should be sent to Upper
Canada with all speed. He says: "I have not a musket more than will
suffice to arm the active part of the militia from Kingston westwards. I
have to request, therefore, that the number of arms may be sent
according to enclosed requisition to place on the communication between
Glengarry and Kingston. Every man capable of carrying a musket along the
whole of that line ought to be prepared to act." He wanted to find an
enterprising, intelligent commander for that district, and afterwards
selected Major-General Shaw, in whom he had much confidence. As for
himself, he intended to give his attention to Amherstburg and Niagara.
He hoped that both the 41st and the 49th would be placed at his
disposal. If so, he would send the former to Amherstburg. He thought it
was impossible to send a force from the latter place to reduce
Michilimackinac, for no vessel could pass the river St. Clair unless the
British occupied both banks of the river. He then suggested a plan which
had been contemplated some years before by Sir James Craig and himself,
namely, that of transporting a small force by the Ottawa. He advocated
sending forty or fifty of the 49th Light Company, and a detachment of
artillery by canoe from Montreal. The North-West Company had, in 1808,
promised them transport.
With the attention to
detail for which Brock was remarkable, he ordered the purchase at
Amherstburg of two thousand bushels of corn. It had to be purchased on
the American side, and was absolutely necessary in case of war. He also
ordered the purchase of horses for the car brigade, as this was a
service, he said, which required infinite trouble and practice to bring
to any degree of perfection.
This car brigade was a
volunteer artillery company of farmers' sons who had offered their
services to Brock, together with their draught horses, free of expense.
The company was completed in July, fully equipped, and placed under
Captain Holcroft of the Royal Artillery. General Brock also ordered a
minute survey of stores to be made at Amherstburg and other posts. One
effect of the embargo had been to keep forty thousand barrels of flour,
196 the product of the southern shores of Lake Ontario, from the
Montreal market. Most rigorous measures were being used by the United
States officials to prevent the least infringement of the embargo on the
Niagara River. Armed men in civilians' clothing were constantly
patrolling the shore. An idle boy was said to have wantonly fired with
ball from the Canadian side of the river at the guard opposite Queenston.
The Americans were guilty of a similar outrage by firing at night into a
room where a woman was sitting.
So the winter and
spring passed in constant anxiety and preparation. In May Brock wrote
that nothing but the public voice was restraining the United States from
commencing hostilities. He thought it probable they would seize some
island in the channel. It was reported that six companies of Ohio
militia were on their way to Detroit. Fort Niagara had been reinforced,
and barracks were building at Black Rock, opposite Fort Erie.
The Indians were now
actively engaged against the Americans on the frontier, and Brock
thought the neutral policy pursued towards them by the government of
Canada was not wise. Each day that the officers of the department were
restrained from interfering in their concerns, each time that they
advised peace, and withheld the accustomed supply of ammunition, their
influence diminished. He thought the British would lose the interest of
the Indians if they remained inactive. "I have always considered," he
says, "that the reduction of Detroit would be a signal for a cordial
cooperation on the part of the Indians, and if we be not in sufficient
force to effect this object, no reliance ought to be placed on them."
The inspection of the
king's stores showed they were at a very low ebb. There were in them
scarcely any articles of use or comfort. Blankets, hammocks, kettles
ought to be purchased. Tents were urgently needed. In a letter to
Colonel Baynes, General Brock says that he thought the disposition of
the people throughout the country was very good. The flank companies had
been instantly completed with volunteers, and he hoped to extend the
system, but he ends with, "My means are very limited."
There was great
inconvenience for want of specie in Upper Canada, an evil which was
increased by the embargo. In case of war there would be none to defray
ordinary expenses. General Brock had to consider the best means of
meeting this difficulty, and consulted some of the leading merchants of
the country as to the possibility of a paper currency. He thought it
would be generally approved of throughout the province, and that the
circulation of ten or fifteen thousand pounds would meet present
emergencies. His representations resulted in a number of gentlemen of
credit forming themselves into what was called the Niagara and Queenston
Association, and several thousand pounds were issued in the shape of
bank notes, which were currently received throughout the country, and
afterwards redeemed with army bills. So little by little the resourceful
commander met every difficulty, and prepared himself for the inevitable
conflict. |