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SO far the negotiations
for Confederation had gone smoothly and satisfactorily;
difficulties, doubts, and dangers were to fill the next two years.
Nowhere, save perhaps in Ontario, was there any strong wave of
popular enthusiasm for the new measure; it was promoted by thinkers
and farseeing statesmen, amid the apathy, and in some sections even
the sullenness, of the electorate. In Quebec, Dorion in Opposition
appealed to habitants dread of being swamped by an English majority,
and the appeal awakened a quick response. In the same province, the
English minority, feared that their schools might be left to the
tender mercies of the Roman Catholic majority, and claimed
safeguards, delay in the guarantee of which led to the temporary
resignation of Galt, their chief spokesman But the fearless optimism
of Cartier triumphed. He was strong in the support of the Catholic
clergy who saw in Confederation the only refuge from union, whether
peaceful or forcible, with the American republic, and the consequent
loss of the cherished rights and privileges guaranteed to them by
their compact with the British nation. Thus, not for the first time,
did the enlightened selfishness of that great body save Canada.
In Nova Scotia
opposition was organized by a number of prominent bankers and
merchants in Halifax, who saw that the proposed union would throw
open the province, hitherto their preserve, to commercial and
financial rivals from Montreal and Toronto; in the country districts
the old prejudice against Canada was roused; memories of bickering
over the Intercolonial Railway were revived; the intense local pride
of the province was inflamed. Other local issues added their weight.
In 1863 Dr. Tupper had succeeded in passing through the House a law
establishing compulsory primary education; its expense bore heavily
upon the thrifty Scottish settlers, who took this opportunity of
showing their discontent. In the same measure the refusal of
separate schools to the Roman Catholics had angered the Irish
voters, and though their large-minded archbishop ardently supported
Confederation, his flock showed ominous signs of revolt. The
agitation found a leader in Joseph Howe, long the popular idol of
his native province, the brilliant champion of responsible
government, the eloquent prophet of national unity before that great
dream had even come upon the horizon of English statesmanship. But
mingled with his large qualities Howe had some of the weaknesses of
lesser men. He had been absent from the province in 1864 as imperial
fishery commissioner, and on his return his vanity was piqued to
find the scheme launched without his aid by Dr. Tupper, his rival in
provincial politics. There seems no other adequate explanation than
this of the attitude which he now took towards a measure which was
on the direct line of his previous utterances and of his well-known
aspirations. He threw himself into the reactionary movement, and,
playing upon the prejudices of a people whom no one understood so
well as he, lashed his province into a fury of opposition.
Somewhat similar
cries were raised in New Brunswick, and doubts especially were
thrown upon the sincerity of the pledges given in regard to the
proposed Intercolonial Railway. In March, 1865, the local
government, which had accepted Confederation, appealed to the
people, and was overwhelmingly defeated—in Macdonald's judgment
because time had not been given for the education of public opinion.
Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island withdrew from the
negotiations; in Nova Scotia, Dr. Tupper, influenced by these
checks, postponed further action until he could feel sure of
carrying the measure in the legislature. The situation was one of
grave anxiety. Writing afterwards to Mr. Tilley, Macdonald said:
"The failure in the Maritime Provinces caused Canada the greatest
embarrassment. It periled the existence of the government, and what
was of more consequence, it raised the hopes of the American or
annexation party; it discouraged the Loyalists, and it shook the
faith of the English people in the permanence of the connection with
Great Britain."
Amid the blasts of
this unexpected storm of opposition, Macdonald stood firm. On
February 3rd, 1865, he introduced into parliament the resolutions
adopted at the Quebec conference. The debates which ensued were
worthy of the greatness of the subject. Macdonald, Brown, Cartier,
Galt, D'Arcy McGee and others eloquently defended the proposals,
which were opposed by Holton, Dorion, Dunkin and Sandfield
Macdonald. A high level of statesmanlike grasp and of insight was
reached, and in face of so grave a problem personal recriminations
were abandoned. Only one or two characteristic sentences,
illustrating his attitude of mind in dealing with the question, can
here be given from Macdonald's speech in moving the resolution. "It
seemed" he said, "to all the statesmen assembled [at Quebec] .. .. .
it was clear to them all, that the best interests and present and
future prosperity of British North America would be promoted by a
federal union under the Crown of Great Britain. And it seems to me
as to them, and I think it will so appear to the people of this
country, that, if we wish to be a great people, if we wish to
form—using the expression which was sneered at the other evening—a
great nationality, commanding the respect of the world, able to hold
our own against all opponents, and to defend those institutions we
prize; if we wish to have one system of government, and to establish
a commercial union with unrestricted free trade between the people
of the five provinces, belonging, as they do, to the same nation,
obeying the same sovereign, owing the same allegiance, and being,
for the most part, of the same blood and lineage; if we wish to be
able to afford each other the means of mutual defence and support
against aggression and attack, this can only be obtained by a union
of some kind between the scattered and weak colonies composing the
British North American provinces."
And again in
conclusion: "I would again implore the House not to let this
opportunity pass. It is an opportunity which may never recur. If we
do not take advantage of the time; if we show ourselves unequal to
the occasion, it may never return, and we shall hereafter bitterly
and unavailingly regret having failed to embrace the happy
opportunity now afforded of founding a great nation under the
fostering care of Great Britain, and our Sovereign Lady, Queen
Victoria."
There was force in
the objection raised by Sand-field Macdonald that so vital a change
should not be passed without being submitted to the people either at
a general election or by plebiscite. But so far as the Canadas were
concerned, Macdonald was probably right in the view he expressed to
a correspondent early in February, 1865: "The Confederation has now
been before the country for some time, and it seems to meet with
general, if not universal, favour. I hear of no meetings against it,
and as yet there have been no petitions transmitted adverse to the
policy. Under the circumstances the government have a right to
assume, as well as the legislature, that the scheme in principle
meets with the approbation of the country."
At any rate, in the
interests of the great scheme, Macdonald could not afford delay, and
on the eleventh of March the resolutions were passed in the House of
Assembly by a vote of ninety-one to thirty-three. Further analysis
of the vote shows that the Upper Canadian representatives were
fifty-four to eight, those of Lower Canada thirty-seven to
twenty-five. Earlier in the session the legislative council had
carried a similar motion by forty-five to fifteen. A mission,
consisting of Macdonald, Brown, Cartier and Galt, was immediately
sent to England to confer with Her Majesty's government upon the
following subjects:-
1. Upon the proposed
Confederation of the British North American provinces, and the means
whereby it can be most speedily effected.
2. Upon the
arrangements necessary for the defence of Canada in the event of war
arising with the United States, and the extent to which the same
should be shared between Great Britain and Canada.
3. Upon the steps to
be taken with reference to the reciprocity treaty, and the rights
conferred by it upon the United States.
4. Upon the
arrangements necessary for the settlement of the North-West
Territory and Hudson's Bay Company's claims.
5. And generally upon
the existing critical state of affairs by which Canada is most
seriously affected.
The home government,
which was growing weary of protecting a scattered fringe of colonies
along the American frontier, was eager for Confederation. "Our
scheme has given prodigious satisfaction here" wrote Brown. "The
ministry, the Conservatives, and the Manchester men are all
delighted with it, and everything Canadian has gone up in public
estimation immensely." Indeed the measure might never have been
carried but for the pressure exerted by the home authorities. To
Lord Monck was largely due the entrance of George Brown into the
coalition ministry. "The means used and the influence exerted were
such only as he was justified in exerting in a great crisis," writes
Mr. Brown's biographer and confidant. In New Brunswick the
lieutenant-governor, Mr. Arthur Hamilton Gordon (now Lord Stan-more)
had been at first opposed to Confederation, and is believed to have
encouraged its opponents in the election of 1865. A visit to England
and communications with Mr. Cardwell, the colonial secretary,
altered his opinion, and in 1866 he exerted himself with such effect
that as the result of some rather arbitrary conduct he was enabled
to form a pro-Confederation ministry, which on appealing to the
people was sustained by a large majority.
In Nova Scotia, Sir
Fenwick Williams, though less active, heartily cooperated with Dr.
Tupper, and early in 1866 the administration, while compelled to
throw overboard the Quebec resolutions, passed a motion authorizing
the appointment of delegates "to arrange with the imperial
government a scheme of union which will effectively ensure just
provision for the rights and interests of the province."
Meanwhile, in Upper
Canada, the death of Sir E. P. Taché, in July, 1865, had momentarily
imperilled the coalition. Lord Monck called on Macdonald, as senior
member of the cabinet, to form a ministry. This he endeavoured to
do, but while George Brown had consented to be on an equality with
his rival under the mild control of Taché, he had no mind to serve
under him, and threatened to withdraw from the ministry. Rather than
imperil their union, Macdonald waived his personal feelings, and
suggested Cartier. To him also Brown objected, and a compromise was
finally made by the formation of a government in which Brown and
Macdonald sat as equals under the nominal presidency of Sir Narcisse
Belleau, a prominent member of the legislative council. But even-
under Tache,- Macdonald's ability had made him the real head and
under Sir Narcisse Belleau the friction was even more transparent.
Brown found his position unendurable, and early in December resigned
from the cabinet. His ostensible motive was a difference with his
colleagues on the question of reciprocity with the United States;
but while this difference really existed, and was something more
than a mere cloak for his action, his chief reason was undoubtedly a
sense of the falsity of his position. While resuming in private life
and in the columns of the Globe an attitude of hostility to
Macdonald, he continued to give a loyal support to the project of
Confederation.
By the end of .Tune,
1866, the changed aspect of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick rendered
further progress possible. The Canadian parliament, in which action
had been delayed from fear of arousing the suspicions of the
Maritime Provinces, was summoned, and passed resolutions providing
for the local legislatures of Upper and Lower Canada. This necessary
delay offended the Irish impetuosity of Lord Monck. "I have come to
the deliberate conviction," he wrote to Macdonald, "that if from any
cause this session of parliament shall be allowed to pass without
the completion of our portion of the union scheme, a crisis in my
career will have been reached, and that my sense of duty to the
people of Canada and to myself leave me no alternative except to
apply for my immediate recall." It is noteworthy that this letter
was sent, not to the premier, but to Macdonald. His answer, at once
courteous and firm, is too long to quote in full, but two paragraphs
may be given.
"With respect to the
best mode of guiding the measure through the House, I think I must
ask your Excellency to leave something to my Canadian parliamentary
experience. As leader of the House I am responsible for the
successful conduct of government measures, and I can assure you that
I have the best means of knowing that it is important that the
principle (at all events) of the financial measures of the
government should be submitted to parliament, and receive its
sanction before there is any serious debate on the local
constitutions.
"As to the personal
portion of your note, all I can say, as a sincere friend of your
Excellency, is that you must take no such step as you indicate. To
you belongs, as having initiated, encouraged, and I may now almost
say completed, the great scheme of union, all the kudos and all the
position, (not lightly to be thrown away) which must result from
being the founder of a nation."
This reply relieved
the anxiety of His Excellency, and in due time the local
constitutions were successfully guided through the House. Meanwhile
a change of ministry in England, and the adjournment of the imperial
parliament caused further delay, but in November the various
delegates met in London, and on the fourth of December began the
conference which was to evolve the British North America Act.. It
must be remembered that the Canadas alone had approved of the Quebec
resolutions. Nova Scotia had merely passed the short general
statement already quoted, and its example had been followed by New
Brunswick. But Macdonald resolved at all costs to hold to the
results of the conference which he had so largely inspired, and he
was willing to take all risks. Behind the smiling good-humour and
readiness to compromise on non-essentials was concealed a dogged
determination to gain the great object he had in view. A letter to
Mr. Tilley, in which he opposes the wish of the delegates from Nova
Scotia to begin deliberations in October, brings out this fact in
the characteristic way.
"It appears to us to
be important that the bill should not be finally settled until just
before the meeting of the British parliament. The measure must be
carried per saltum and no echo of it must reverberate through the
British provinces until it becomes law. If the delegation had been
complete in England, and they had prepared the measure in August
last, it would have been impossible to keep its provisions secret
until next January. There will be few important clauses in the
measure that will not offend some interest or individual, and its
publication would excite a new and fierce agitation on this side of
the Atlantic. Even Canada, which has hitherto been nearly a unit on
the subject of Confederation, would be stirred to its depths if any
material alteration were made. The Act once passed and beyond
remedy, the people would soon learn to be reconciled to it."
From the 4th to the
24th of December the conference sat in London, at the Westminster
Palace Hotel, and a series of sixty-nine resolutions were finally
passed, based on those of the Quebec conference. It was an anxious
time for Macdonald, and all his patience and resourcefulness were
taxed. Sir F. Rogers (afterwards Lord Blachford), who was at the
time permanent under-secretary for the colonies, has left a striking
description of his wariness and skill. He says:-
"It was under Mr.
Cardwell's rule that the project was matured ; but it was during
Lord Carnarvon's secretaryship that the deputation arrived. They
held many meetings at which I was always present, Lord Carnarvon was
in the chair, and I was rather disappointed in his power of
presidency. Macdonald was the ruling genius and spokesman, and I was
greatly struck by his power of management and adroitness. The French
delegates were keenly on the watch for anything that weakened their
securities ; on the contrary, the Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
delegates were very jealous of concession to the arrieree province;
while one main stipulation in favour of the French was open to
constitutional objections on the part of the home government.
Macdonald had to argue the question with the home government on a
point on which the slightest divergence from the narrow line already
agreed on in Canada was watched for—here by the French, and there by
the English—as eager dogs watch a rat hole ; a snap on one side
might have provoked a snap on the other, and put an end to the
concord. He stated and argued the case with cool, ready fluency,
while at the same time you saw that every word was measured, and
that while he was making for a point ahead, he was never for a
moment unconscious of the rocks among which he had to steer."
Early in January the
sittings of the conference were resumed, and a series of draft bills
drawn up, which were revised by the imperial law officers. In
February the completed bill was submitted to the House, and on March
29th received the royal assent, under the title of the "British
North America Act, 1867." On the twenty-second of May a royal
proclamation was issued at Windsor Castle, appointing the first of
JuIy as the date upon which it should come into force, and this last
date has ever since been regarded as the birthday of the Dominion of
Canada.
Great as had been his
success in the Confederation negotiations, a success which won for
him the imperial title of Knight Commander of the Bath, Macdonald
was not wholly satisfied. The cause of his discontent he has himself
stated in a letter written in 1889 to Lord Knutsford.
"A great opportunity
was lost in 1867, when the Dominion was formed out of the several
provinces. This remarkable event in the history of the British
empire passed almost without notice. The new Confederation had, at
the time of the union, about the same population as the thirteen
colonies when they rebelled and formed a nation imbued with the
bitterest feelings of hostility towards England—feelings, which, by
the way, exist in as offensive a form now as they did on the day of
the declaration of independence. The declaration of all the British
North American provinces, that they desired as one Dominion to
remain a portion of the empire, showed what wise government and
generous treatment would do, and should have marked an epoch in the
history of England. This would probably have been the case had Lord
Carnarvon, who as colonial minister had sat at the cradle of the new
Dominion, remained in office. His ill-omened resignation was
followed by the appointment of the late Duke of Buckingham, who had
as his adviser the then governor-general, Lord Monck, both good men,
certainly, but quite unable, from the constitution of their minds,
to rise to the occasion. The union was treated by them much as if
the British North America Act were a private bill unifying two or
three English parishes. Had a different course been pursued—for
instance, had United Canada been declared to be an auxiliary
kingdom, as it was in the Canadian draft of the bill,—I feel sure
(almost) that the Australian colonies would, ere this, have been
applying to be placed in the same rank as 'The Kingdom of Canada.'"
He adds in a postscript: "On reading the above over, I see that it
will convey the impression that the change of title from Kingdom to
Dominion was caused by the Duke of Buckingham. This is not so. It
was made at the instance of Lord Derby, then foreign minister, who
feared the name would wound the sensibilities of the Yankees."
On July 1st the new
Dominion came into being. Ontario was jubilant, Quebec doubtful and
expectant, New Brunswick sullen, Nova Scotia rebellious. Many of the
newspapers in the Maritime Provinces came out that day with their
columns draped in black. Confederation had been carried, but the
problem remained of holding it together. All the ingenuity of
Macdonald, all the firmness of the colonial office were to be sorely
tried before the ship of state was steered safely out of reach of
shoals and breakers. |
