THE close of the first
session of the united legislature, which coincided with Lord Sydenham's
death, permitted the people of Canada for the first time since his
arrival, indeed, for the first time since the political crisis which
here and there had flamed into actual rebellion, to take stock of their
situation, to realize what they had escaped, and to appreciate in some
measure the new future which was opening out before them. In the
veritable revolution which had been accomplished. Lord Durham and Lord
Sydenham were naturally the chief figures. The Report of Lord Durham had
furnished an analysis of the accumulated evils which beset the country.
The clear and rapid insight of Lord Sydenham not only realized the truth
of the analysis but completed it in many essential details, while his
experienced statesmanship grappled with the task of effecting the actual
revolution in colonial policy and constitutional practice, which was
indispensable to the political and economic salvation of the country.
The result of the
reflection which followed Lord Sydenham's death was greatly to enhance
his reputation. The great services which he had rendered the country
were frankly acknowledged in many quarters where, during at least the
first half of his administration, he had met with hitter opposition or
carping criticism. Of the scores of tributes paid to his personal
qualities and political achievements, we may make selection from those
of two representative Canadians, who, while deeply interested in the
welfare of the country and closely in touch with all that transpired,
were not personally immersed in the practical politics of the province.
The first is taken from a letter of Dr. Eger-ton Ryerson, printed in the
Christian Guardian:— "It is not easy to determine which is the most
worthy of admiration, the comprehensiveness and grandeur of Lord
Sydenham's plans, the skill with which he overcame the obstacles that
opposed their accomplishment, or the quenchless ardour and ceaseless
industry with which he pursued them. To lay the foundations of public
liberty, and, at the same time, to strengthen the prerogative—to promote
vast public improvements, and not increase the public burdens—to provide
a comprehensive system of education upon Christian principles, without
interference with religious scruples—to promote the influence and
security of the government by teaching the people to govern themselves
—to destroy party faction by promoting the general good—to invest a
bankrupt country with both credit and resources, are conceptions and
achievements which render Lord Sydenham the first benefactor of Canada,
and place him in the first rank of statesmen. His Lordship found a
country divided, he left it united ; he found it prostrate and
paralytic, he left it erect and vigorous; he found it mantled with
despair, he left it blooming with hope. Lord Sydenham has done more in
two years to strengthen and consolidate British power in Canada by his
matchless industry and truly liberal conservative policy, than had been
done during the ten previous years by the increase of a standing army
and the erection of military fortifications. His Lordship has solved the
difficult problem, that a people may be colonists and yet be free; and,
in the solution of that problem, he has gained a triumph less imposing
but not less sublime, and scarcely less important, than the victory of
Waterloo; he has saved millions to England, and secured the affections
of Canada......
To lay the foundation
of a government adapted to the social state and character of a
population thus depressed, divided, and subdivided; to provide for it
the efficient administration of all its departments ; to create mutual
confidence, and induce united action among leading men of all parties,
without sacrifice of principle oil the part of any, was a task difficult
and hazardous to the last degree, and for even attempting which Lord
Sydenham has been frequently ridiculed by persons of reputed knowledge
and experience."
The second extract is
from an article by Joseph Howe in his paper the Nova Scotian:— .
"In order to understand
the value of the service which Lord Sydenham has rendered to Her Majesty
and to British America, it is necessary to recall for a moment the state
of things winch his Lordship had to encounter. Did he succeed to
political inheritance, so wisely husbanded, and so fairly established,
that even bad management could scarcely lessen its value or disturb the
security of the possession ? Did he take the helm of state when the
vessel was tight and sound, with perfect instruments, a fair wind, a
clear sky, and a crew well disciplined and well disposed ? Was not the
estate wasted by years of bad management, until the tenants were at war
with the landlord or with each other, and even the title of the property
w as dragged into angry controversy? Was not the ship tempest tossed,
shattered, and almost unseaworthy with ignorant vacillation or eccentric
severity on deck and mutiny below, without an instrument that could be
relied upon, or a blue spot in the heavens to admit of an observation?
The state of Canada when Lord Sydenham assumed the government might well
have appalled any man not desirous to wreck his reputation. A long
course of maladministration, or, rather, of administration often well
meant but based upon no principle which the people could understand or
respect, had prepared the way for open insurrection, and aroused foreign
interference in both provinces, to be followed by the suspension of the
constitution and the establishment of despotism in one, and in the other
by a state of things which, perhaps, was a g*eat deal worse; the forms
of civil government being retained, but affording rather shelter from
which a fragment of the population might insult and annoy the remainder
than any real protection to the people. Lord Durham's mission, although
of immense value, because it laid bare the real causes which convulsed
Canada and shadowed forth the remedies, had been so brief, so
disastrous, so unproductive of practical results within the country
itself, that, however invaluable that volume in which the experience and
principle of his Lordship and his able coadjutors was embodied might
have been—and no man estimates the Report more highly than we do—still,
until reduced to practice, it was but a book, a theory, the value of
which the enemies of colonial freedom might altogether deny, and which
its fondest admirers might well be excused for doubting until experience
had demonstrated the applicability of the new principles to the
exigencies of colonial society. The task of consummating the union which
Lord Durham had pronounced to be indispensable, of grappling with those
evils which he had fully exposed, and of applying the principles of
representative government indicated in his Report, devolved upon Lord
Sydenham ; and it is rare that a statesman so firm, so sagacious and
indefatigable follows in the wake of a projector so bold.'
Some of the most
important of Lord Sydenham's despatches, so far as published by the
British government, did not appear in Canada until after his death. From
these it was frequently learned for the first time what a broad and
statesmanlike view he constantly took of Canadian affairs, and how on
several occasions he remonstrated against amendments and interferences
on the part of the British parliament, especially in matters which
affected the French-Canadians, but for the practical consequences of
which their leaders constantly held him responsible. It is true that in
practically all matters of an administrative character, where the
decision lay with the colonial office, Lord John Russell manifested the
most complete confidence in Lord Sydenham's judgment, gave him a
singularly free hand, and uncompromisingly defended his policy in
parliament. Yet there were measures such as the Clergy Reserves Act and
the Union Act itself, which were required to run the whole gauntlet of
parliament, including the House of Lords. itli the narrow and precarious
majority which the government commanded, it was sometimes impossible to
prevent the introduction of certain features and the omission of others
which were contrary to the recommendations of Lord Sydenham, and which
aggravated the difficulties of his administration in Canada. That these
variations were not more numerous or more troublesome, was undoubtedly
due to the wisdom and moderation of Sir Robert Peel, leader of the
Opposition in the Commons. Within a couple of years the compliment was
returned by Lord John Russell when, as leader of the Opposition, he
sheltered from criticism Sydenham's successor, Sir Charles Bagot, in
continuing to follow out a Canadian line of policy.
The impression produced
by some of Lord Sydenham s despatches which were made public, after his
death, may be gathered from the following extracts from an editorial in
the Kingston Chronicle and Gazette, a paper representative of the old
Tory ideals and opposed at the outset to the governor's programme of
reform:—
"If any testimony were
wanting to prove Lord Sydenham's great talents for governing, or to
stamp the seal of certainty upon the consummate ability which he
exhibited m declaring and defending his policy, it is amply afforded by
the despatch to Lord John Russell which we publish in this day's
Chronicle. It is, beyond comparison, the most able despatch which has
ever yet emanated from a Canadian governor. Those even who do not
approve of the new system of municipal government, or others who approve
with timid fears and uncertain faith, cannot fail to be strongly
impressed with the fearless sincerity with which Lord Sydenham presses
forward in his great work, turning neither to the right hand nor to the
left; and no one can read the paragraph beginning with—"Owing to this,
duties the most until, etc.—without admitting the comprehensive grasp of
observation which, like the glance of the eagle, surveys the whole
field, yet detects the minutest object of interest," The despatch here
referred to was that in which Lord Sydenham remonstrated at the changes
which had been made in the Union Act during its passage through the
British parliament, and which Lord John Russell »n reply declared his
inability to prevent.
Lord Sydenham's
remarkable success in Canada was undoubtedly due to the singular fitness
of his personal qualities, training and experience for the exceptional
task which was required of him at so critical a stage in Canadian
history. He came to Canada with a wide knowledge of men and affairs.
While no visionary, he was a courageous reformer, a sane and practical
radical. His courage, his sanity, and his progressiveness are abundantly
evidenced by the fact that, while many of the reforms which he advocated
in Britain were regarded as ruinous or absurd, all were accomplished
within the next thirty years. So also the radical changes which he
introduced into Canadian constitutional practice and administrative
government, and for which lie was so bitterly denounced by his ablest
Canadian critics, are now regarded as the very palladium of our
liberties and the inspiration of our national life.
He was well aware, on
his departure from Britain, that he had no light task before him in
Canada; yet it was only in the course of his first successful efforts to
grapple with the Canadian problems that he realized how much greater the
difficulties were than he had imagined. However, he had come to Canada
expecting to find here or nowhere an adequate field for the realization
of his ambitions for further success in the public service. Moreover,
his ties with Britain were, for the time, completely broken. His
political enemies had taken much pleasure in burning his bridges behind
him, and only in Canada could they be rebuilt. A man of less varied
resources and self-reliance might have succumbed to the infection of
despair which saturated the country. So completely, however, did Lord
Sydenham throw himself into the task before him, so sure was he of the
potential greatness of the country's future, that no diagnosis of the
past or present could damp his ardour or shake his faith in the
successful outcome of his efforts. Indeed, the very thoroughness and
accuracy of his analysis of the existing condition of the country
enabled him to determine with confidence what must be the remedy and how
it must be applied. The very difficulties which the Canadian problems
presented and his successes in meeting them, account for the fascination
which Canada had for him and the enthusiasm with which he devoted his
every faculty to her service.
Lord Sydenham saw the
necessity for inducing the people to forego the bitter antagonisms of
the past, for rousing them from the sullen deadlock in which they held
each other paralyzed, and in which, not the spirit of political partyism,
but of deadly feud had engendered a malevolent contest on the part of
the opposing factions to forego the realization of their own ideals if
only they could prevent their opponents from making progress in theirs.
But, to draw the people of Canada out of their narrow antagonisms, they
must be made to feel direct responsibility for their own destiny. They
must no longer be merely fault-finding spectators of attempts to govern
their provinces by a power from without, or an oligarchy from within.
They must be invited to attack their own problems, taking only counsel,
not commands, from without, thereby learning wisdom and caution from
their failures, and acquiring hope and inspiration from their successes.
In a word, they must have responsible government, but they must realize
that it can alone be maintained by a responsible people.
To lead the people of
Canada out of the wilderness, it was essential that Lord Sydenham should
gain their confidence. This his experience and combination of personal
qualities enabled him to secure in a remarkable degree. His assurance
and self-confidence awakened interest and inspired hope, while his sound
judgment and the fortunate results which followed the adoption of his
counsels, rapid ly extended his influence and insured successful
leadership. It requires only a glance at the men who rallied to his
support, as his administration advanced, to realize that his leadership
attracted the strongest men of sound judgment and moderate views.
While Lord Sydenham had
unlimited self-confidence, he was the very reverse of arrogant or
dictatorial. The inevitable attractiveness of personal intercourse with
him, so frequently commented upon by both friends and opponents, was due
to his tactful and sympathetic treatment of men, and his capacity to
appreciate their qualities and enlist their interest. Once he had
assured himself of the presence of exceptional natural gifts and their
capacity for effective public service, he endeavoured, usually with
success, to enlist them in the service of the State, allowing them the
freest possible scope, thus insuring at once efficiency and enthusiasm
in the public service.
Notwithstanding the
intense prejudices of the leaders of the French-Canadians against the
policy of the union, with which Lord Sydenham was so completely
identified from the opening of the first session when he first came into
contact with the majority of the French members, he steadily grew in
favour with them. His complete command of the French language, his
personal charm of manner, his knowledge of French characteristics and
his sympathy with them, made rapid inroads upon their initial
prejudices. Thus, when his successor, Sir Charles Bagot, arrived in
Canada, he was able to report that not only was the whole country in a
condition of unparalleled tranquility, but that the opposition of the
French-Canadians to the union was melting away, as also their devotion
to the anti-union leaders who, in their anxiety to demonstrate their
zeal, were "more loyal than the King and more catholic than the Pope."
Shortly afterwards, to the alarm of Lord Stanley the colonial secretary,
Governor Bagot reported the advisability of admitting several of the
French members to the cabinet, and that without any new appeal to the
country.
It fell to Lord
Sydenham's lot to bring to a close the old regime with its absolute
racial antagonism and its party division of loyalists and rebels, and to
open a new era of responsible government in which it was possible for
both races to take their share m the government, and in which both
government and opposition were brought within the pale of loyal Canadian
citizenship. In accomplishing this he was required to be at once the
last and most powerful of the autocratic governors, and the first and
most influential of the diplomatic representatives under responsible
government. |