THE
hard winter of 1759-60 passed without further incident than the increase
of public misery and a few skirmishes. April brought with it the
grateful sun of spring time, the alternation of warm rains, and biting
frosts, and finally the disappearance from sight of the snow, with the
crash of the breaking ice, and the unbridling of the waters. This was
the opportunity for which Lévis and Vaudreuil had been waiting, for they
had decided to strike a blow at Quebec. "The melting of the ice," wrote
Malartic, "does not correspond to the eagerness of our troops to start."
Lévis had everything in readiness, so that each battalion, with its
quota of Canadians, should be ready to march the moment the signal was
given. Each
habitant was to have on hand eight days'
provisions for himself and the soldiers he boarded. The general's first
act when he called the army together was to acknowledge his gratefulness
towards the Canadians, who had been like fathers to the soldiers all
winter, giving them lodging, warmth, and clothing, and who were just
dividing with them their last morsel of bread. "We should," said Lévis,
"in this daring undertaking, show our gratitude to the colony which has
maintained us since our arrival. The Canadians have received the
soldiers as if they were their own children, and we cannot too highly
praise their friendship and devotion."
These proceedings had gained for Lévis the hearts of the entire
population, and here, and nowhere else, is to be sought the explanation
of the prodigy of the campaign—the brilliant victory of April 28th. He
believed that he could rely sufficiently upon the devotion of the
soldiers and militiamen to hide from them none of the sufferings they
would have to undergo. "I beg you," he wrote to the officers, "to warn
them to expect a hard campaign. I cannot foresee any certainty of a good
supply of any food but bread, and when we arrive before the walls of
Quebec we shall only have such horse meat or beef as we can happen
upon."
It
is only necessary to read the replies of Lévis to the demands of the
army to realize the unbelievable scarcity of stores that stared him in
the face. The militiamen with no uniforms but their
habitant clothing, were armed only with their
hunting guns, without bayonets, replacing the latter by knives, their
handles so shaped as to fit the ends of the firearms. The supply of
projectiles was no more satisfactory, for after collecting all that
could be had in the various posts only three hundred and twelve cannon
balls and two hundred thousand pounds of powder were available. Such
were the means with which Ldvis undertook to defeat Murray's victorious
army and retake Quebec. Ever since the end of the last campaign he had
had the workmen of Montreal at work making tools, gun carriages, and
even kitchen utensils, which the army sadly lacked. Some indispensable
articles which could not be otherwise obtained were stolen from Quebec,
from under the very noses of the English. Levis was the soul of all this
organization, and found reason for self-satisfaction in the entire and
active cooperation of Vaudreuil. The governor had even succeeded in
maintaining spies within Quebec, and these kept him informed concerning
all that went on in the town and the state of the garrison. Thus he knew
that scurvy had made great havoc, especially among the soldiers, and six
or seven hundred bodies had been buried in snow banks, until such time
as the ground would thaw sufficiently to allow them to be interred. Some
seemingly improbable accounts even said that over half the garrison was
on the sick list, and there were not over two thousand serviceable men
left. The truth was that Murray could still lead into the field four
thousand eight hundred men, who, more fortunate than the
habitants in the country parts, had had an
abundance of food, even if it was not over fresh. Among the sick, too,
were many who were only slightly affected.
At
Sorel the valiant Captain Vauquelin, who was in charge of the two
frigates,
Atalante and
Pomone,
completed the loading of the stores, and was ready to sail at a moment's
notice.
Each time that the general left the governor's chateau in which the
council sat, he lingered upon the terrace overlooking the river to
examine the effect of the water upon the ice, the departure of which he
would have liked to hasten. The enormous white cuirass, up-borne by the
giant river's swollen breast, opened to form great crevices which were
soon transformed into troubled lakes in which innumerable icebergs
dashed against one another like crumbling walls. Finally, on April 15th,
the river before Montreal was open to navigation. The same day two
transports, a vessel transformed into a store-ship, the
Marie, and a schooner, which were to be
conveyed by the frigates, were launched, loaded with the equipment and
part of the ammunition. A small cavalry corps, which left in two
divisions, the fourteenth and fifteenth, was already
en route for Jacques Cartier. It was composed
of only two hundred men, mounted upon the best horses that could be
gathered together round Montreal. On the seventeenth all the battalion
leaders had in their hands the general's marching orders, directing them
to embark on the morning of Sunday, April 20th, with their troops, upon
the vessels lying at the shore opposite their respective cantonments.
The
little fleet grew as it approached Lake St. Peter. At Lachenaie it
effected a junction with the fleet bearing the La Sarre battalion, and
at Verchéres it was joined by the barges conveying the Guyenne corps.
Berry's two battalions, which were camped lower down formed the advance
guard. A number of birch-bark canoes, bearing two hundred and
seventy-eight Indians, glided about among the heavier vessels with their
usual swiftness. The two frigates, the transports and a few other small
vessels followed at a slight distance. The total strength of the army,
including the Indians and the cavalry, who had gone down by land, was
six thousand nine hundred and ten men, divided into five brigades and
eleven battalions, half regulars and half militiamen, most of the latter
being incorporated into the regiments.
Ldvis hoped to recruit some of the
habitants round Quebec after having invested
the place, but, as he observed, they could only serve as pioneers,
having been disarmed by the English. He was authorized by Vaudreuil to
force them to enlist " under penalty of death," if they were not moved
to do so by considerations of patriotism and religion. The general stole
a moment in which to write to Bougainville, who had just replaced
Lusignan at Ile-aux-Noix. "The army started to-day," he said. "M. de
Bourlamaque is leaving at the present instant, and I start to-morrow.
Prayers have been offered up for us. God grant that they may find
acceptance. The bishop has issued a splendid
mandement" Mgr. de Pontbriand and his clergy,
had, as a matter of fact, urged his people forward to the expedition as
to a crusade, and the pulpits re-echoed with prayers and exhortations.
The bishop of Quebec, who had only two months more to live, arose from
his bed to make a supreme appeal to his flock, and it was hearkened to.
The river, which was at high water mark, rapidly carried down the
vessels loaded to the water's edge with their cargoes of men armed and
accoutred in every conceivable fashion. Soldiers half clad in peasant
dress, jostled against grenadiers with regulation uniform and broad
waist belts ; and the gold-laced officers, elegant even with their faded
plumes, transformed grey
habitant homespun into caps of imitation fur.
The
great level plains around Montreal hot yet quite free from their mantle
of snow, still bore their drear wintry appearance, and great fields of
ice, which broke loose from both shores, covered the river with white
islets, some of them grounded and others borne along by the current. As
the vessels passed their respective parishes the militiamen signalled,
and sometimes spoke a few words to their-families, who ran to the
water's edge to distinguish their loved ones and bid them farewell.
A
strong north-east wind, accompanied by rain, which raged all day during
the twenty-third, arrested the army's progress. The Chevalier de Lévis
issued orders that Pointe-aux-Trembles was only to be reached the
following day, and this was done at sunset, when the men had much
difficulty in dragging their boats ashore, owing to the floating ice.
The frigates, the transports, and the canoes, in which de Lévis
travelled arrived a few hours before them.
Here the general landed three field-guns, which were to follow by land,
and encamped his men about the church. The hard, rough journey neared
its close. For fifty leagues the army had been exposed to the damp cold,
characteristic of the season, which was found more piercing than ever on
the river. Shivering night and day in their boats the men had only cold
water wherewith to slake their thirst, and a meagre ration of salt meat
to satisfy their hunger, but they bore without a murmur the privations
which private and officer shared alike.
The
early morning sun of April 25th found the army assembled upon the church
grounds. The enemy was known to be near; in fact, it was supposed that
he was at Cap Rouge, where he could oppose the crossing of the river.
Already threats of burning the houses of all the people of St. Augustin
had been made. The troops were served with provisions for one day, and
Canadian and Indian scouts led the way. On Saturday, the twenty-sixth,
at 8 a.m., notwithstanding the north-east wind, all the vessels were
again despatched on the way to St. Augustin, where they moored before
noon. The season here was more backward than at Montreal; the ice-bridge
at Quebec had only left three days before, and great walls of ice still
fringed the shores. For this reason it was necessary to drag the vessels
high up on the beach, so that they should not be carried off with the
débris of ice at flood tide. The men could be carried no nearer to
Quebec by water, because of the precipitous character of the cliffs
lower down the stream, and the facility
with which they might have been occupied by the enemy to prevent a
landing. Two men were left in charge of each boat. The approach to
Quebec was, therefore, necessarily by land, and by a route eighteen
miles long over almost impassable roads. The same obstacles which had
the year before prevented Wolfe's designs at Cap Rouge now faced the
French, and for' this reason Lévis, certain that the mouth of the river
was guarded, decided to attempt a crossing two miles further up. The
army was then provided with three days' provisions, and a supply of
cartridges, and, while this was being done, an advance guard, consisting
of the grenadiers, the Indians, and a detachment of artillery, under
Bourlamaque, was ordered to repair the bridges which had been destroyed
by the English. The task could not have been entrusted to better hands.
By two o'clock in the afternoon two bridges for foot passengers had been
constructed, and Lévis at once pushed forward with his army. The
north-east wind had, since the morning, developed into a tempest,
followed by an ice-cold rain, accompanied by thunder and lightning, but
the soldiers, wet to the skin, faced both wind and storm, ankle deep in
a thick mud which was mixed with snow. The officers, who were also on
foot, like mere privates, set a worthy example of courage and good
humour.
Lévis, who had just learned that the British had abandoned their
positions at Lorette, and fallen back upon Ste. Foy, ordered Bourlamaque
to cross. the river and seize these positions as well as the houses
commanding the road and crossing. "We succeeded," says Lévis, "in
sending over before nightfall a brigade which occupied the grenadiers'
positions, and M. de Bourlamaque was ordered to advance as far as he
possibly could without, however, compromising himself, until he heard
that the army was under way." He consequently crossed the Suete marsh,
in which the enemy might have advantageously opposed him, and took up
his position in some houses less than a mile from the heights of Ste.
Foy, upon which the enemy was stationed. The Chevalier de Lévis advanced
the brigades as they crossed to support him, and went over himself for
the night, instructing de Lapause to inform him as soon as the entire
army had crossed the marsh.
"
It was a frightful night," writes Levis, " terribly cold and stormy, and
the army, which only finished crossing at a very late hour in the night,
suffered enormously. The bridges were broken, and the men had to wade
through the water. In the darkness the workmen could hardly repair them,
and had it not been for the lightning we should have had to stop." In
another place he says, "the troops were in a pitiable condition." The
tempest in question was one of the worst the country had known for many
years, and the houses creaked until it almost seemed as though they
would be blown down. Then the wind went down, and gave place to even
more intense cold and a rain mingled with snow.
General Murray was better informed of the movements of the French army
than Lévis imagined. The rumours of an attack on Quebec had gained
strength as the winter advanced, and gave place to certainty on the
approach of spring. About the middle of April three French deserters
from the regulars, and later on a sergeant of grenadiers assured him
that the entire strength of the colony was to be below the walls of
Quebec in a short time. On the twenty-first, at 10 a.m., the general
posted a proclamation ordering all civilians to leave the city within
three days. "It is impossible," says Knox, "to help sympathizing with
these unfortunates in their distress. The men prudently restrained their
sentiments on this occasion, but the women were not so discreet; they
charged us with a breach of the capitulation; said that they had often
heard que les A
nglais sont des gens sansfoif (that the
British are a faithless people) and that we had now convinced them of
the propriety of that character."
General Murray was unaware of the presence of the French army at Cap
Rouge, when a fortuitous circumstance warned him of the imminent danger.
On Sunday, the twenty-seventh, at 2 a.m., a sentinel on the sloop of war
Race Horse, then moored in Cul-de-Sac Cove,
thought he could hear through the fog which overhung the St. Lawrence
wails resembling the cries of a man in distress, apparently drowning. At
this time the rising tide was driving up a number of floating pieces of
ice, which could be heard grinding against one another in the darkness.
Hearing the cries repeated the sentinel no longer had any doubt that
some human being was in distress and in need of succour, and he informed
the commandant of the fact. Captain Macartney sent his boat and some
sailors to enquire into the matter, and, following in the direction of
the cries, they presently found a man, almost frozen, upon a floe. He
was taken on board the vessel, and after some trouble consciousness and
speech were restored. The revelations which he thereupon made were so
important that it was thought wise to inform the general at once,
although it was 3 a.m. The dying man was borne in a ship's hammock to
headquarters, where Murray, who had been immediately awakened, listened
to his story. He was a sergeant of artillery in the army which Lévis was
leading against Quebec. The floating battery upon which he had been
stationed with six men had been overturned during the tempest by a berg
upon which he had managed to scramble while his companions were drowned.
Night had surprised him before he could summon assistance, and the ebb
tide had carried him to the Island of Orleans, while the flood brought
him back along the wharves of the Lower Town. He had time to tell before
dying that Lévis had with him some twelve thousand or fifteen thousand
men.
Murray at once called the garrison to arms, and left at daybreak with
the grenadiers, five regiments, and ten pieces of artillery to
reconnoitre the enemy's position, dispute his advance, and, if
necessary, retire his own advance posts. He stationed his troops in the
row of houses which lined the road on both sides of Ste. Foy church, and
opened a cannon fire upon the French outpost which could be seen in the
edge of the forest. Lévis, who, at the moment, was with Bourlamaque
conducting a reconnaissance on the Lorette road, recognized the
advantageous nature of Murray's position. The village of Ste. Foy is
situated upon a slight hill, which rises as it approaches Quebec, where
it is called the Cote Ste. Genevieve, and to the westward it descends by
a more gentle slope to the Cap Rouge River. Opposite Ste. Foy this hill
becomes an inclined plane, below which is a swamp called the Suete. This
marsh was covered by a thick layer of rain-soaked snow, and such was the
road which the army had to follow. Lévis knew that Murray had fortified
himself with his cannon in the church and the neighbouring houses which
flanked his position. To dislodge him he would have to bring up
artillery by impassable roads, and then traverse marshy woods, and form
up under an artillery and musketry fire. The army was moreover worn out
by thirty hours' fatigue, apart from the frightful weather; and an icy
rain still fell. The French general consequently decided to wait until
nightfall before advancing, and to attempt to turn the enemy's position
by the right. He had just halted his columns, which were pouring out of
Lorette village when he saw the Ste. Foy church in flames, and the roof
fall in. The British were retiring and blowing up their store of
ammunition. The order to advance was at once given, and at 6 a.m. Levis
was master of Ste. Foy village. "This march," says Malartic, "was hard
and painful. All the officers made it on foot, and, like the privates,
suffered from rain and snow, besides the inconvenience of marching in
snow up to their knees."
The
cavalry and grenadiers pursued the British to within a mile and a half
of the town, where they had a fortified post in a house and another in a
windmill, belonging to one Dumont, which was situated on the north side
of the Ste. Foy road, on a slight eminence overlooking the Cote Ste.
Genevieve. On the site of this mill stands to-day a column surmounted by
a statue of Bellona, erected to commemorate the heroic fight which was
waged there the following morning. The army fortified itself in the
houses and barns along the Ste. Foy road, and in the neighbourhood of
Sillery.
While the British soldiers, after their return to the city, comforted
themselves with the good rum distributed to them, and enjoyed the heat
of fires built of the wood taken from the houses of St. Roch their
general was considering, in a council of war, the course to pursue on
the morrow. If he remained strictly upon the defensive he could either
shut himself up within the walls of Quebec or fortify himself behind the
Buttes-k-Neveu. The fortifications were still poor, but stronger than
when the British conquered the place, for they had made important
additions to them. He finally decided to entrench himself without the
walls, notwithstanding the difficulties presented by the ground which
the frost was only beginning to leave. In the council he did not even
suggest taking the offensive, although in his heart he was inclined to
do so. He was impetuous, like most of the officers of the time, brave
even to rashness, and extremely ambitious, and the extraordinary glory
bestowed upon General Wolfe caused dreams of similar fame to enter
Murray's mind.
During the preceding autumn Bernier, the commissary of war, who had many
dealings with him, admirably gauged his character. "The man is young,"
he said to Bougainville, "fiery, proud of his strength, decided in his
ideas, and, having reached a position which he had no reason for
previously expecting, is eager to distinguish himself. Of a naturally
good character, he is nevertheless to be feared when opposed, and being
easily inflamed is then ready to do almost anything. You know that too
great an opinion of one's strength often leaves one little opportunity
for reflection and consideration, and frequently gives reason for
subsequent regret." This estimate explains Murray's conduct. With an
army composed altogether of regular troops, and the splendid train of
artillery at his command he considered himself certain of defeating the
remains of a beaten army led by Levis, while he held the collection of
militia which swelled its ranks in utter contempt.
The
night had been calm and clear, and at daylight Lévis mounted his horse
and proceeded to inspect the Plains of Abraham in order to choose a
favourable location on which to receive the enemy if he appeared.
Murray's tactics on the preceding evening led him to believe that the
British would remain strictly upon the defensive, and he had told the
transports to land at the Foulon the provisions which he intended to
distribute at once to the army. When he emerged from the woods of
Sillery surrounded by his staff and an escort, the sun's rays fell upon
a plain which seemed a veritable desert. Traces of snow and pools of
frozen water here and there marked the undulations of the ground. The
budless, frost-covered branches sparkled like crystals in the early
sunlight. The blades of grass beginning to shoot on the eastern slope of
the cliff heralded the return of spring. Over two miles below, Cape
Diamond raised its crest towards the east. Here and there a few British
detachments were visible upon the horizon. One of them was abandonmg a
redoubt overlooking the Foulon, and this Lévis caused some of his
dismounted attendants to occupy, himself proceeding further so as more
closely to observe the enemy's movements.
Murray had come out of the town with his entire army, preceded by
twenty-two pieces of artillery, two of which were howitzers. Besides his
arms each man bore either a pick or a spade as if the general intended
only to entrench himself outside the walls. Was this done for the
purpose of concealing his real intention, and conveying the idea that he
had only decided to attack at the moment when the action began ? It is
hard to believe otherwise when we consider the precipitation, of his
assault. When the Buttes-a-Neveu were reached he drew up his regiments
in order of battle, with a frontage of two deep, and marched towards the
heights upon which Wolfe had, the previous autumn, awaited Montcalm's
army. It was at this moment that Lévis saw the enemy come out of the
ravine covering the entire plain from the crest of the cliff to the Ste.
Foy road. As the British advanced they extended their lines so as to
cover as much space as possible on the tableland. The moment Lévis saw
that he had to deal with the entire British army he withdrew his men
from the redoubt, and gave Major-General Montreuil orders to push his
troops to the front. At the same time he ordered Bourlamaque to post
five companies of grenadiers in Dumont's house and mill, which the
British had evacuated during the night, 256
and
to station the other five on a slight eminence commanding the right. His
two wings being thus strengthened he posted de Lapause at the entrance
to the Ste. Foy road, along which the army was advancing, to point out
to each commanding officer the place his battalions were to occupy. The
two brigades on the right, the Royal-Roussillon and Guyenne were already
in position, and Berry was debouching from the road when the British
soldiers, whom Murray had ordered to throw down their tools, appeared on
the elevation below which the French troops were defiling. In front of
Dumont's mill the brave d'Aiguebelle, with his grenadiers, opposed
Dalling's light infantry, while the grenadiers on the right held back
the volunteers and Hazen's rangers.
Murray, with his staff, advanced a few paces in front of his lines. He
saw before him a scene which might easily inflame even a less fiery soul
than his. The ground which he occupied was as favourable as that whence
Wolfe, in the previous September had overwhelmed Montcalm's army.
Moreover, he had behind him formidable artillery and an army with
victory still fresh in its mind. On his left he was master of the
redoubt which the French had just abandoned. On his right the light
infantry was within a few paces of Dumont's mill. Behind the mill wound,
like a natural defence, the ravine through which ran a stream, swollen
by the melting snow, and falling like a cascade by the C6te Ste.
Genevidve. On the edge of the Sillery forest were the Berry and marine
brigades, advancing in all haste to take up their post in the centre,
while the Béarn battalion came out of the Ste. Foy road. Only Levis'
right was drawn up in battle formation.
It
did not seem as though there could be a more favourable moment for
crushing the units of the French army in detail, and Murray at once
ordered the attack. At a distance of one hundred paces the artillery
opened a fire of grape, which took terrible effect, especially upon the
two last brigades, which were on the march. Lévis saw the danger, and at
once resolved upon the dangerous expedient of retiring'his army to the
edge of the woods. He personally directed the movement, which, he says,
"was carried out with the greatest bravery and activity under a heavy
artillery and musketry fire." Murray was deceived. He took the retreat
for the commencement of a flight, and ordered his troops to charge, at
the same time inclining to the right so as to seize Dumont's mill and
house, which commanded the Ste. Foy road. Several guns already swept
this road, across which the La Sarre brigade began to deploy, forming
the French left. A furious struggle was being waged about the mill
between the grenadiers and the light infantry, behind whom the whole
English right was advancing, including Webb's and Amherst's regiments,
and part of the Royal Americans under Colonel Burton. The grenadiers,
crushed by superior numbers, abandoned the mill, and fell back upon La
Sarre. At this moment Ldvis passed along the front of his line holding
his hat on the end of his sword. It was the prearranged signal for a
general attack. The La Sarre brigade, which old Colonel Dalquier, its
commander, had caused to retire in order to take up its position in line
with the others, came back with the grenadiers and retook the mill, as
well as two hillocks overlooking the road. During this attack the light
infantry was so demoralized that it retired to the rear guard and never
returned to the attack. On the right the five companies of grenadiers,
supported by the Canadian sharpshooters, cleared the redoubt of the
rangers and volunteers, and advanced on a second redoubt surmounting a
knoll a few paces further on. The two brigades on the right, with three
guns, stubbornly opposed the redoubtable Highlanders and the Bragg and
Lascelles regiments which formed the British left.
The
French general gave his two wings his principal attention, for the
centre, composed of the marine and Berry brigades, with the main body of
the Canadians, seemed unshakable. Each battalion was preceded and
flanked by a host of Canadian sharpshooters under Repentigny, and these
thinned the British ranks with frightful rapidity. Always admirable
shots, they availed themselves of all the shelter the ground afforded,
and brought down a man every time they fired, with as much precision as
though they were 011 their hunting-grounds. They would he down to avoid
a discharge of grape, or a volley of musketry, and then fire again. For
over two hours the main body of the enemy, the flower of the British
army, endeavoured to crush these poorly-armed militiamen from its own
more advantageous position, but each time had to fall back and reform
under the protection of its artillery.
Bourlamaque imparted to the left, which he commanded, the spirit of his
own unconquerable tenacity. While the fight was at its hottest, he, for
a moment, crossed over to the right to receive his general's orders. As
he was returning his horse was shot under him, and a ball cut away a
part of his leg. He was conveyed to the residence of M. de la
Gongendiere, which was close at hand.
Just at this time a party of Highlanders, sent to replace the light
infantry, and d'Aiguebelle's grenadiers were having a hand-to-hand
fight. "They were worthy opponents," says Chevalier Johnstone. "The
grenadiers, bayonets in hand, drove the Highlanders out through the
windows, and the latter, re-entering by the door with their dirks,
forced the former in turn to take the same means of egress. The building
was taken and retaken several times, and the fight would have lasted
while there was a Highlander and a grenadier left, if the two generals
had not recalled their men, and as if by common consent, left the place,
for the time being, neutral ground. The grenadiers were reduced to not
more than fourteen men to the company, while the Highlanders were
proportionately decimated. Lévis hastened to reassure the La Sarre
brigade by his presence, and then crossed his lines, going from right to
left between the two armies, and ordering each of his brigades to charge
as he passed it." The grenadiers he instructed to take the last redoubt.
The charge was irresistible, and the rangers and volunteers retiring in
confusion exposed the left flank of Bragg's regiment, which began to
waver.
The
La Sarre brigade after having crossed the brook advanced, without
firing, upon the English left. It was a bare thirty paces from it when
the men sank to their knees in a deep drift of snow, which checked their
advance. Moreover, the ground across which they were charging sloped
gradually towards the Cote Ste. Genevieve, exposing them to a murderous
fire of grape from the British guns. The brigade was suffering so
severely, and was in such grave danger that Lévis sent Lapause, and
afterwards another officer, to order it to make a half turn to the right
and establish itself in some houses situated a little to the rear.
Although the order was conveyed by so intelligent a man as Lapause it
was misunderstood, and the day was thereby almost lost. Malartic, not
daring to disobey, said nothing, but advanced fifteen paces in front of
the brigade in order to show that it must advance. A minute later
Dalquier, bleeding from a wound in his side, joined him, and said,
"Major, I will take it upon myself to disregard the general's orders.
Let us take advantage of the soldiers' zeal. We will not fire but fall
upon them with the bayonet, and so shall conquer." Then turning to the
men he said, "Men, when we are within twenty paces of the enemy is not
the time to retire. We will give them the bayonet, for that is our best
course." The centre seeing the left advance did the same, and the
grenadiers once more seized the mill and the hillocks from which they
were not again dislodged. Lévis arrived at this moment, and said to
Dalquier, "You have done the king the greatest possible service in not
making a half-right turn. Hold your position for five minutes, and I
will guarantee a victory." The general then disappeared behind the
clumps of trees scattered about the plain and regained the right. The
moment for the decisive blow was at hand. Lévis intended to execute a
flank movement with the Royal-Koussillon and Queen's brigades, and force
the British towards the Cote Ste. Genevieve, thus cutting off their
retreat to Quebec. A badly-executed order, however, brought the Queen's
brigade behind the left wing. Lévis thereupon undertook the carrying out
of the movement with the Royal-Roussillon brigade alone, and gave orders
to this effect to Poulariez, who, taking advantage of a dip in the
ground, made his way along the edge of the cliff. A panic spread amongst
the British when they saw the French bayonets glittering upon the ridge
between them and the river. Murray, in desperation, threw his reserve
upon both wings at once, but it was too late. "The enemy," says
Johnstone, "fled so precipitately, and in such confusion that the
officers could not rally a single man."
"If
the Queen's brigade," said Lévis, "had been at its post, we would have
enveloped the enemy's left, and evidently could have cut off their
retreat, which would have been decisive. They retired so precipitately
though, and were so near to the town that our worn-out troops could not
overtake them. However, they abandoned all their artillery, ammunition,
tools, dead and wounded."
The
Canadians proved themselves to be as firm as the regular troops in the
open. While the latter formed up on the edge of the forest they formed
an impenetrable cordon round them, and the British so feared their
accurate aim that they did not dare to approach the woods. "The
Canadians of the four brigades," says Malartic, "who occupied the
intervals or preceded the brigades, kept up a sustained and effective
fire, doing much harm to the British."
Captain de Laas, of the Queen's brigade, who commanded a detachment of
Canadians on the extreme right, did not receive orders to turn the
British left wing with the Royal-Roussillon brigade. He, however, joined
in the movement with an intelligence equalled only by his bravery, and
Levis mentions his charge as one of the most brilliant of the entire
day.
"The enemy," says the chevalier "numbered about four thousand men, and
we about five thousand, of whom two thousand four hundred were
militiamen. Of this total, however, about one thousand four hundred men,
such as the cavalry and the Queen's brigade, were never in action. We
had been obliged to leave some detachments behind, and the Indians
retired, and would fight no longer."
About the end of the action Malartic was wounded by a piece of grape,
which spent its force upon his breast. "The blow," he says, "knocked me
down and shook me up considerably. I came to in the arms of a sergeant
and a private, who wished to raise me, but I begged them to let me die
in peace. As they lifted me, notwithstanding my protests, I felt
something cold slide down my chest, and then, opening my vest, which had
been pierced, I found my left breast swollen until it was as large as my
fist and very black." Malartic was taken to the general hospital, with
the wounded of both armies.
The
English placed their loss in the engagement at over one thousand men
killed, wounded, and missing. On the other hand the French lost two
hundred and sixty-eight killed, including two officers, and seven
hundred and sixty-three wounded. Of this number the Canadians had two
hundred and three killed and wounded. Among the Canadians killed was the
gallant Colonel Rheaume, commander of the Montreal battalion, and some
of their best officers, including Captains St. Martin and Corbiére. The
Indians, who, as we have already seen, basely kept at a distance during
the fighting, did not pursue the fleeing Britishers, but spread over the
plain, while the victors followed up the vanquished, and scalped
indiscriminately the French and British who lay upon the field of
battle.
The
scene of the conflict presented a horrible sight, being covered with
pools of blood, which the frozen ground could not absorb, while the snow
which lay in the depressions of the field was turned to red. Around
Dumont's mill and house the mounds of bodies completely covered the
soil. Immediately after the battle General Levis sent an officer and
some men to take possession of the general hospital, which lay at the
bottom of the St. Charles valley. It is not difficult to imagine the
anxiety with which its occupants had watched the varying fortunes of the
day.
"Every cannon and musket-shot rang in our ears," says one of the nuns,
"and you may imagine our position. The interests of the nation were at
stake as were also those of our relatives who were participating in the
fight, and so our sufferings defied description.
"It
would require a more eloquent pen than mine to depict the horrors we
were called upon to witness and to listen to during the arrival of the
wounded who came in for twenty-four consecutive hours. The cries of the
dying and the grief of their friends were indeed heart-rending, and one
needed an almost superhuman strength to sustain the ordeal.
"Although we prepared five hundred cots, which were supplied from the
king's stores, as many more were needed. Our stables and barns were
crowded with the unfortunates. Out of sixty-two officers in the
infirmary thirty-three died, and the place was strewn with amputated
arms and legs. The misery was heightened by a scarcity of linen, and we
were obliged to sacrifice even our own clothing. We could not on this
occasion, as on that of the first battle, hope for aid from the hospital
nuns of the city, for the British had taken possession of their
hospital, as well as of the Ursuline convent, for the accommodation of
their wounded, who were even more numerous than our own. In fact, we
also received about twenty of their officers whom they could not carry
away and with the care of whom we were also burdened."
The
news of this victory rapidly flew from parish to parish, and was
everywhere welcomed with outbursts of joy. For the moment it was thought
that the colony was saved, for the majority of the Canadians still lived
in hopes that France had not forsaken them, and that, as in the
preceding year, the help which they had asked for would arrive before
the British fleet, and afford Ldvis the assistance he required for
retaking Quebec, thus deciding the campaign once for all.
"Please accept my congratulations upon your splendid victory, my dear
general," wrote Bougainville. "I am the more delighted with it because
it affords an instance of cleverly-executed movements in the field,
incredible diligence on the march, and noteworthy intrepidity. You will
be our father since you have restored our honour, and even should you
not retake the town your glory will be none the less. I am grieved,
indeed, that I was not privileged to be with you, but a man of war has
no choice but to obey. Naturally our losses were heavy, but they could
not be otherwise. Here every one is frantic with joy, and we await with
impatience the news of your next movements. You have no time to lose.
"There is nothing new here. We are working while you are winning
victories."
Vaudreuil had already written to the chevalier as follows:—"Your
military experience and good judgment were sufficient to decide the
battle in your favour. It will long be a memorable day, and to you all
the glory of the achievement belongs. I can hardly express the keenness
of the joy it gives me.
"I
regret exceedingly the brave officers and men of both the regulars and
Canadians who have fallen. They could not, however, be otherwise than
valiant when fighting under the eyes of a general whom they love so
much, and whose bravery all admire."
The
appearance of the British fleet in the harbour of Quebec, however,
nullified the victory at Ste. Foy. Lévis, being obliged to raise the
siege which he had commenced, was compelled to fall back upon Montreal,
where he was soon surrounded by the overwhelming force which had invaded
the country from three sides at once, and the capitulation signed by
Vaudreuil on the following September 8th ended the French regime in
Canada.
It
would be superfluous to draw here a picture of Lévis, for he stands out
all through the pages of this volume. In it we have heard him speak and
seen him play his part. His incontestable superiority over all who
surrounded him has asserted itself, and Montcalm did not hesitate to
acknowledge it. The marquis, in all his correspondence, shows to what an
extent he consulted the chevalier, and modified his plans in accordance
with the latter's suggestions. He was, in short, the only man to whom
the colony's imperious military commander bowed, feeling himself obliged
to defer to his cool and lofty reasoning, his self-control, the wisdom
of his advice, and the prudence of his conduct. Montcalm and Lévis had,
in common, great military qualities, unflinching bravery, and a
consummate knowledge and experience of the art of war, but the latter
had the better judgment, more broad-mindedness, greater coolness, and
even superior intrepidity in action. It was Wolfe's good fortune not to
meet Lévis on the Plains of Abraham, otherwise, while the engagement at
Montmorency was only a temporary check to his plans, that of September
13th might have meant to him only disaster and ruin.
The
Treaty of Paris, signed on February 10th,
1763, put an end to the Seven Years' War. To
all outward appearances it had in no way changed the physiognomy of
Europe; in reality it marked a revolution in the history of mankind.
France, being confined to the Old World, fell back upon her internal
affairs, and gave herself up entirely to the new ideas which she was
beginning to entertain, and which were destined to burst so soon upon
the world like a thunderclap. The startling revenge which she took upon
England twenty years after the Treaty of Paris was the prelude to the
enormous commotion which, like an abyss, now marks the past from the
present. The Treaty of Versailles, concluded in
1783, assured the
independence of the English colonies, which had become the United States
of America, and through it England no longer retained in America
anything but a portion of New France, and the handful of people whom she
had conquered, and who were just beginning to recover from the ruin that
surrounded them. Immediately after the fall of Quebec, Franklin, the
most eminent statesman in the English colonies, laughed at those who
prophesied that the conquest of Canada would result in their early
independence. " I venture to say," he wrote, " that union between them
for such a purpose is not only improbable but impossible." The Treaty of
Versailles proved conclusively that he was wrong. General Murray showed
more perspicacity, for in a conversation with Malartic in
1760 he asked the
latter:—
"Do
you think we will give hack Canada to you?"
"I
am not familiar enough with politics to see things so far ahead," was
the reply.
"If
we are wise," said Murray, "we will not keep it. New England must have
something to rub up against, and our best way of supplying it is by not
retaining this country."
If
Malartic, when he was thus questioned by Murray, could have seen into
the future he would have answered: "The Cabinet at London will show less
foresight than you; it will not leave the English colonies the
opposition necessary to restrain their exuberance, and they will soon
break their oath of allegiance. As an independent nation the United
States will startle the world by their rapid growth. In a century they
will have a population of over fifty million people. You ask me how they
are to accomplish this prodigy ? They will receive from all quarters of
the earth such a horde of immigrants that only an invasion of barbarians
can rival it, and its results can easily be foreseen. And this peaceful
invasion will be more fraught with dire results to the early settlers of
the United States than was the violent conquest of Canada to the
French-Canadians. At the end of the nineteenth century the descendants
of the Pilgrim Fathers, your most intelligent and hard-working
colonists, will have almost entirely disappeared from New England. They
will be replaced by others from foreign countries, who will give to the
continent such a strange new aspect that if
the elders of the time of Cotton Mather were to return they would find
nothing remaining of their old-time manners, habits, and religion.
"With the Canadians it will be very different. Deserted and left by
France in an almost inconceivable state of ruin, they will survive.
Without the aid of outside immigration, they will, by their natural
increase alone, grow so rapidly that, at the end of the next century,
they will form a homogeneous people numbering over two million souls,
united as one man and still so French that one of their own poets will
be able to say in all truth: |