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		 The discontinuance of 
		hostilities after the disaster at Seven Oaks afforded the settlement on 
		the Red River an opportunity to develop, but development was very slow. 
		The population of the colony at this time consisted of two hundred 
		Scotch and Irish settlers, about the same number of the de Meurons 
		regiment, together with such French traders and half breeds as had found 
		their way to the Forks. For a few years disaster followed disaster, 
		until the very existence of the settlement was threatened. In 1818, an 
		incursion of grasshoppers completely destroyed the crops, and the 
		unfortunate farmers were forced to resort to Pembina in search of the 
		buffalo, as they had done in the early winters. It was not until three 
		years later that the destructive invaders took their de parture and the 
		settlers beheld in a rich harvest the tardy reward of their toil. 
		In 1821, the population 
		of the colony was increased by the arrival of a party of Swiss, who came 
		in by the York Factory route. These immigrants, though clever watch and 
		clock makers and musicians, were poor farmers, and unfortunately 
		agriculture was the only occupation open to them. The new arrivals, as 
		well as the de Meurons, did not make successful settlers; and it 
		required only another disaster, which befell them five years later, to 
		drive most of them from the Red. In the spring of 1826, the rivers, by 
		reason of a heavy fall of snow in the previous winter, overflowed their 
		banks, and the water swept over the fields of the colony, forcing the 
		owners to betake themselves to Stony Mountain, Bird’s Hill, and other 
		elevations. The unfortunate colonists returned after the water had 
		subsided, only to find that their houses and stables had been swept away 
		by the Hood. This experience was too much for the Swiss and de Meurons, 
		who left the Red and moved south into Minnesota. The population of the 
		colony was at this time about fifteen hundred. 
		After the flood, the 
		young colony entered upon a period of comparative prosperity. It had 
		passed, between 1814 and 1826, through hardships which we, in this age 
		of plenty and ease, find it hard to realize. It is equally difficult for 
		us to imagine the single and uneventful life of the colonists during the 
		next twenty-five years. 
		Farming was almost the 
		sole industry, buffalo-hunting, except in times of distress, being left 
		to the half-breeds and Indians. 
		The farms almost all 
		faced the river, having a frontage of ten chains and a depth of two 
		miles. In some eases these narrow strips were subdivided among several 
		sons in a family, each on front. It is little wonder that people from 
		the East spoke of the inhabitants of the colony as “farming-on lanes.” 
		Absurd as this division of the land appeared, it carried with it many 
		advantages. As a well was a rare luxury, the river was the only 
		unfailing source of water supply. The Red, too, furnished much more 
		tempting fishing than it does to-day. Perhaps the greatest gain from the 
		narrowness of the land holdings was the compactness of the settlement, 
		which added to the safety of the settlers in time of danger, and tended 
		to promote the social, educational, and religious life of the community. 
		
		As might be supposed, 
		the farming in the .early years was very primitive. The implements were 
		of the crudest kind, the spade and the hoe being the only available 
		instruments for planting and sowing. 
		The grain was cut with 
		sickle or cradle and threshed by means of flails. The “quern” was used 
		in crushing the grain into flour. This machine consisted of two flat 
		stones, between which the grain was ground to a flour—not always white, 
		as we are told. But changes took place even in this out-of-the-way 
		settlement. The hoe gave i>lace to the wooden plough, the sickle and 
		cradle to a crude reaper. The flails were forgotten in the use of the 
		two-horse treadmill. It was not long before the Hudson’s Bay Company had 
		a windmill erected at Fort Douglas, and a clever settler, imitating 
		this, built several throughout the community. 
		A like simplicity 
		marked the government of the colony. After the death of Lord Selkirk, 
		his heirs became the nominal rulers of the settlement, but in reality 
		its management rested with the Hudson’s Bay Company. 
		The local governor of 
		the Company, therefore, represented British law in the country. It was 
		not long before a change was necessary, and a council of English- and 
		French-speaking settlers was appointed, under the title of the Council 
		of Assiniboia. Unfortunately, this body, being appointed by the Company, 
		was not representative of the mass of the people, a circumstance which 
		later on caused trouble. 
		
		The commerce of the 
		settlement was carried on under the greatest difficulties of 
		transportation. There were two routes by which goods were brought in. 
		One of these, of course, began at York Factory. From this point, the 
		huge York boats, each manned by a dozen men, made their wearisome way up 
		the Nelson River and down Lake Winnipeg. The other route lay through 
		through United States territory. From St. Paul or St. Cloud, in 
		Minnesota, merchandise was carried to the colony in primitive carts. The 
		latter route was often rendered dangerous by the attacks of unfriendly 
		Indians. 
		The Hudson’s Bay 
		Company, to which the executors of Lord Selkirk had sold out their 
		interest in the Red River lands, determined to enforce its monopoly of 
		trade by suppressing all free-traders. The Council of Rupert’s Land, 
		therefore, imposed a duty of twenty per cent, on all imports, exempting 
		from taxation those settlers satisfaction was given to the petitioners, 
		and the agitation in the colony went on until finally a 
		trifling-incident precipitated a crisis. A French trader, named Sayer, 
		who had bought some goods with the intention of making a trading venture 
		on Lake Manitoba, was arrested by the Company and imprisoned in Fort 
		Garry. On the morning of the day fixed for Sayer’s trial, several 
		hundred armed French Metis, under the leadership of Louis Riel, whose 
		son some years later disturbed the peace of the colony, crossed the 
		river from St. Boniface and surrounded the court house. Despite the 
		protest of the magistrates, the prisoner was seized and carried off by 
		his compatriots, amid shouts of “Le commerce est libre!” “Le commerce 
		est libre!” “Vive la liberte!” 
		In 1857, a clergyman 
		named Corbett, settled at Headingly, was imprisoned for having made 
		extravagant statements against the Company. A mob, believing that 
		Corbett was innocent, broke into the jail and liberated him. One James 
		Stewart, who with several companions had taken part in this episode and 
		had been arrested on the charge of jail-breaking, was in turn set free 
		by his friends. Such incidents as_ these indicated the weakness of the 
		Hudson’s Bay Company’s administration of the Red River colony, and also 
		the growing determination of the colonists to enjoy freedom of trade. It 
		was evident that the time had come for the North-West to be withdrawn 
		from the control of a fur company. 
		The opportunity came at 
		last. Rupert’s Land was secured to the Hudson’s Bay Company by charter, 
		while all territory outside of that limit was held merely by a license, 
		which had been renewed every twenty-one years. A few years before 1859, 
		when the license would expire, the directors made application for a 
		renewal. In this step they now met with strong and effective opposition 
		on the part of the Canadian Parliament. A representative of Canada, 
		Chief Justice Draper, before a committee of the British House of 
		Commons, urged that the natural western boundary of Canada was the Rocky 
		Mountains, and that Canadian settlements should be extended into the 
		North-West. The committee recommended that the petition of the Canadian 
		Government should bo granted. It was not, however, until 1869, two years 
		after confederation, that the transfer of the Hudson Bay territory to 
		the Crown was arranged, the actual change not taking place until the 
		middle of the next year. The Company was to surrender its rights in 
		Rupert’s Land, receiving in exchange the sum of £300,000. The Company 
		was allowed to select a block of laud near each of its posts, and was 
		further granted one-twentieth of the area within the “Fertile Belt,” 
		that part of Rupert’s Land lying south of the north branch of the 
		Saskatchewan River and west of Lake Winnipeg.  |