THOSE who have perused
the preceding chapters, and have formed, it is hoped, a justly high
opinion of Mr. Howe's talents and achievements, of his splendid courage,
his unceasing devotion to the Liberal cause, his unrivalled eloquence
and his matchless power of winning the confidence and affection of the
masses, will probably wonder why, when the Tory government had been
driven from office, Howe himself was not called upon to form an
administration. Those who will take the pains to study carefully and
philosophically the history of popular government throughout the world
will scarcely need an answer. Public life in all free countries reveals
usually two classes of men, one which possesses great talent, great
courage, great intellectual endowments and capacity to revolutionize
events and make history; another, which, but moderately endowed with
these particular qualities, has the advantage which mediocrity always
bestows of possessing the confidence of average people, by dint of a
reputation for judiciousness derived from the possession of average
qualities. In former days in Great Britain, such men as the Pitts were
able, it is true, to obtain the premierships, and in these later days,
Mr. Gladstone and Lord Beaconsfield might perhaps be classed as the
distinguished exceptions to the general rule, although a careful insight
into Lord Beaconfield's career indicates that he possessed to a very
marked degree the quality of gauging public opinion and adjusting
himself to it. But for the most part the premiers of Great Britain have
been men of average, all-round ability, but who could reckon among their
qualities that of being able to appeal to the ordinary mortals whom they
were governing. In the United States, Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John
C. Calhoun and James G. Blaine could never be president, but James Polk,
James Buchanan, Millard Fillmore, Rutherford B. Hayes and Benjamin
Harrison could. The history of Canada and her several provinces has
illustrated, often enough, the principle that the man who obtained the
leadership was not necessarily the man who was guiding the policy of the
country or making history. Mr. James B. Uniacke was a gentleman of
education, wealth, high social standing, and of long experience in
public affairs, and it was most natural that he should have been chosen
to lead the administration to be formed. He chose for his colleagues
Messrs. Michael Tobin, Hugh Bell, Joseph Howe, James McNab, Herbert
Huntington, W. F. Desbarres, Lawrence O. C. Doyle, and George R. Young.
The defeat of a Tory
administration, and the accession, as a result, of a Liberal
administration, constitutes the final act in the triumph of responsible
government in Nova Scotia. The advent of Lord Elgin to Canada on the
departure of Lord Metcalfe may be named as the period when responsible
government in its amplest form received full recognition in the larger
provinces of Canada. Never, after 1848, was the idea entertained in any
province of British North America, having a constitution, that an
administration could hold office an hour longer than it had the
confidence of the people represented in the popular branch.
The new administration
had some unpleasant. reforms and changes to make. In the formation of
the administration Mr. Uniacke became attorney-general, and Mr. W. F.
Desbarres solicitor-general, and these were the only departmental
offices that then existed. Sir Rupert D. George has been mentioned as
perpetual provincial secretary; it was determined to get rid of him. He
resigned his seat in the executive with the rest of the government, but
he did not think of resigning his office as provincial secretary.
Provision was made by order-in-council for a retiring allowance, and he,
having obstinately refused to bow to the popular will, was dismissed,
and Howe became provincial secretary, holding it as a departmental and
political office, subject to the exigencies of the government to which
he belonged. The treasurer was an officer hitherto appointed by the
governor, who had exercised this power in Lord Falkland's time by the
appointment of Mr. Samuel P. Fairbanks. This was loudly protested
against, and Howe gave pledges that this officer should be a responsible
minister. A departmental bill was introduced whereby the two departments
of financial secretary or finance minister, and receiver-general or
treasurer were created, and these offices were bestowed, the first upon
Mr. Herbert Huntington, and the last upon Mr. James McNab. The casual
and territorial revenues were taken possession of by the government, and
the salaries of the various officials, including the governor, judges,
etc., were provided for by a civil list made statutable, and subject at
all times to the independent action of the legislature of the province.
Great official documents of protest went to the colonial office from all
the officials affected, but they were met triumphantly in able official
despatches prepared by Howe, and it is to be noted that the
lieutenant-governor, Sir John Harvey, stood loyally and steadily with
the members of his administration in all the acute measures which they
were compelled to take in order to give full effect to the principles of
responsible government. In a despatch by Sir John Harvey to the colonial
secretary, dated soon after the formation of the new administration, he
makes this observation:—"I may therefore, perhaps, venture to regard the
introduction of a system of responsible government in Nova Scotia, as
having been practically effected upon fair, just principles, and without
the necessity of having recourse to any measure of a stringent
character, except in the single instance of the provincial secretary,
and that a great step has been taken towards the political
tranquilization of this long distracted colony, inasmuch as I apprehend
no factious opposition, to any measure of acknowledged utility, from the
party under the guidance of my late government." This may be fairly
taken as an official pronouncement of the establishment of responsible
government.
In looking over the
long and arduous struggle, two or three things may be safely predicted
without fear of challenge. The author, the moving spirit, the supreme
champion, and the acknowledged hero of responsible government in Nova
Scotia, was Joseph Howe. He achieved it by perfectly constitutional
means; not a disloyal word was uttered by him or his friends during the
entire contest, though perpetually branded as rebels and provoked by
official stupidity. He lent the weight of his great influence to uphold
constitutional methods, in the struggle in Canada and New Brunswick. He
discountenanced rebellion and bloodshed in both Upper and Lower Canada,
and when at a later date riots occurred in Montreal, when Lord Elgin was
pelted with rotten eggs, and the parliament buildings burned by a mob
because of a measure to compensate losses by rebellion, and when, also,
the British American League was organized in Montreal, revolutionary in
its aims and disloyal in its utterances, Howe addressed a letter to the
Hon. George Moffatt, the president of the League, dated May 8th, 1849,
in which he threw upon the entire movement the greatest possible
opprobrium, and in scathing terms intimated that no sympathy could be
expected from the provinces by the sea in this disturbing and disloyal
movement. Some extracts from this famous letter will certainly be read
with interest, and will illustrate Howe's incisive method of dealing
with current topics:—
"We gather from the
'scholastic production' to which your name is attached, that a
convention, called by yourself, is to supersede the parliament of
Canada. This movement for dispensing with the services of the
legislature, it seems to us Nova Scotians, very naturally generated the
idea that the building in which it sat was an encumbrance; and that its
books and papers, fraught with occult sciences and varied superstition,
were dangerous to the progress of society. Lord Elgin, who stood in the
way of Mr. Protector Moffatt, was pelted as a matter of course; and as
the old parliament house was too small to hold the convention, it was
very reasonable that the mob should exclaim: 'Burn it down, burn it
down; why cumbereth it the ground?' Tfye promulgation of your manifesto,
and the occurrence of subsequent events, take us somewhat by surprise in
this benighted province; but nothing appears more natural than the
sequence.
"As you have appealed
to North Americans in your address, and as the mob of Montreal have
favoured us with their interpretations of its contents, I am induced to
inquire whether it be the true one, and whether pelting the queen's
representative, dispersing our parliaments, and burning our books, are
to be indispensable preliminaries in joining the British American
League?"
In taking office,
therefore, in 1848, with responsible government fully achieved in Nova
Scotia, Howe had not to lament the utterance of a seditious word or an
act unworthy of British statesmen. The government so formed by Messrs.
Uniacke and Howe continued during the four years term of parliament, and
dealt with many questions, but it is not necessary to refer at length to
these. The entire revenues of the country were placed absolutely at the
disposal of the legislature; the postal system, which had been
previously managed under imperial control, was vested also absolutely in
the provincial government; a postmaster-general was duly appointed by
the executive, and the whole post-office system made as subject to the
people's control as the customs, roads or education. Howe, during his
term of office, again brought forward his educational measure, and made
another great speech in its behalf, but could secure no adequate support
at that time from the legislature.
Early in September,
1849, a convention was held in Halifax, consisting of delegates from
Canada, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Nova Scotia —all the
members of the Nova Scotia government attending as delegates. The object
was to consider the commercial conditions of the country, and, after a
full discussion of several days, a resolution was adopted, apparently
unanimously, affirming, in effect, that a system of reciprocal trade
between this country and the United States was essential to the proper
commercial development of the country. This may be regarded as the first
organized movement in the direction of a reciprocity treaty with the
United States, which culminated in the treaty secured by Lord Elgin in
1854. |